1. When was the music for "John Brown's Body" first printed?

c. 1858

The tune that would later become "John Brown's Body" developed in the religious camp meetings of the Second Great Awakening (a period of widespread evangelical religious revival, from the early to mid-1800s). Though it existed in various forms for at least several years beforehand, the music first appeared in print in choral books in 1858. Religious lyrics accompanied these versions—and included the "glory, glory, hallelujah" chorus that would remain in "John Brown's Body."

2. Which of the following lines was not in the early versions of "John Brown's Body?"

d. But tho' he lost his life in struggling for the slave

According to the most common "origin story," the tune to "John Brown's Body" gained its most famous lyrics—"John Brown's body lies a-mouldering in the grave"—in 1859, some time after the execution of John Brown, the abolitionist who led an antislavery raid on Harper's Ferry, VA, and was subsequently hanged. However, these lyrics were not, originally, about that John Brown. Instead, they referred to a Massachusetts Union soldier, whose fellow soldiers improvised the song from the original camp-meeting tune and religious lyrics to tease him. The song gained verses and lyrics and spread, to be heard by others who assumed "John Brown" was John Brown the abolitionist. Later lyrics, like (d) above, worked from this assumption.

3. In 1861, William Weston Patton published a version of the song in which John Brown was whom?

d. A radical abolitionist executed in 1859

William Weston Patton (pictured here), abolitionist and president of Howard University, heard the song "John Brown's Body" in one of its early versions and wrote a more polished, elaborate set of lyrics for the tune. These lyrics changed the song from being about a John Brown (sometimes the abolitionist and sometimes not) to the John Brown, explicitly telling the story of Brown's execution and memorializing him as a martyr to the abolitionist cause.

4. Julia Ward Howe wrote the lyrics to the "Battle Hymn of the Republic" (which shares a tune with "John Brown's Body") after hearing "John Brown's Body" sung by whom?

c. A battalion of soldiers in Washington, DC

Abolitionist Julia Ward Howe (pictured here) first heard "John Brown's Body" sung by soldiers during an 1861 troop review in Washington, DC. The tune struck her, but the lyrics, in one of their early forms referring to John Brown of the Massachusetts militia, did not. Shortly afterwards, she woke in a DC hotel and composed the words of a poem set to the tune of "John Brown's Body" while lying in bed. In 1862, the Atlantic Monthly published her new lyrics—a paean to the Union Army—to be sung along with the music that had inspired her to write it.

1. It was after dark when we came in sight of the camp and a dismal looking it is the tents are all huddled in together and the wagons are interspersed some are singing and laughing some are praying children crying &c. every sound may be heard from one tent to another . . .

This entry comes from a diary recording one woman's experience on:
c. The Mormon Trail

In her diary, 18-year-old Emmeline B. Wells describes her experiences on the trail from Nauvoo, IL, to Garden Grove, IA. In 1846, Mormons, followers of the Church of Latter-day Saints, began to migrate west from their settlement in Nauvoo due to persecution, following a trail that, for much of its length, closely followed the Oregon Trail. Wells's diary describes the first half of this journey; as 1846 ended, the Mormons would winter in Iowa and then continue on to the territory that would become Utah. Wells relates experiences both general to all trailgoers and specific to women—the diary ends with her husband unexpectedly abandoning her, and her grief at the event.

2. There were no battlefields, but over every mile of the long trail stalked the shadow of death. And what was waiting to greet us in [. . .]? A wilderness marked by faint trails of wild Indian feet (wilder than wild animals that would tear with bloody claws) and slow, agonizing death caused by the poison fangs of rattlesnakes who were in countless numbers.

This paragraph from a memoir by a female pioneer describes which state?
b. California

Lee Summers Whipple-Haslam, near the end of her life, wrote a memoir of her experiences as a child traveling to and living in California during the Gold Rush. Whipple-Haslam's parents brought her to California in 1850, where her mother ran a boarding house and her father prospected. Critics accused the memoir, published in 1925, of being more nostalgic fantasy than precise memory, but it still provides one woman's latter-life interpretation of the Gold Rush and California settlement.

3. We all take names - Wajapa names me, Ma-she-ha-the. It means, The motion of eagle as he sweeps high in the air. He gives me the name of his family and band. He belongs to the eagle family. Ma-she means high, ha-the means eagle.

In this diary extract, a woman is describing an encounter with which Native American group?
a. The Dakota Sioux

In this excerpt from her September 23, 1881 diary entry, ethnologist Alice Fletcher describes her assumption of a Sioux Dakota name before spending a month and a half studying the lives of Native Americans in the Dakota Territory. Fletcher, a woman from a well-off family, had developed a vocational interest in ethnology that led her to undertake this study. Like many other male and female reformers of the day, she would go on to attempt to "civilize" Native American culture through education and political action.

4.



In this image, a female photographer captures a scene in what city?
b. San Francisco

Words aren't the only medium in which women could capture their life experiences in the West. Here, photographer Laura Adams Armer records a street scene from San Francisco, c. 1910. Armer worked as a portrait photographer in San Francisco in the early 1900s, taking time to preserve not only portraits of native San Franciscans but also photographs of the life of the city—and, later in her career, of the lives of southwestern Native Americans, particularly Navajo communities.

1. During World War I, New York City audiences (if they knew the language of the performance) could attend patriotic musicals with titles like ____ War Brides and ____ Martyrs of America. What ethnic group fills in the blanks?

a. Jewish

From the late 1880s to around 1940, Yiddish-language theatre found a home in New York City—as did the wave of Jewish immigrants who brought the performance form to the U.S. Fleeing persecution in Russia, these immigrants, whether they chose to be performing artists or audience members, developed a unique theatre culture. Unlike the short variety acts of contemporary vaudeville, Yiddish theatre presented full-evening-length plays, accompanied by music or broken up with song-and-dance numbers. Plays adapted popular works by authors like Shakespeare and Anton Chekhov, drew from folklore and folk customs, and/or commented on recent events in the U.S. and abroad. Some addressed issues of assimilation, such as intermarriage and generational gaps, while others praised the virtues of the immigrants' adopted country—as did the musicals mentioned above.

2. In 1852, a 42-member opera troupe arrived in the U.S. After giving successful performances to immigrants from its country of origin, it traveled to New York City, where non-immigrants panned its performances. Where did the troupe come from?

d. China

In 1852, the Tong Hook Tong Dramatic Company arrived in California, following the stream of Chinese immigrants who had come to the state with the 1848 gold rush. Greeted warmly by immigrant audiences, they accepted a contract to perform in New York City. In New York, they discovered the contract was a scam, and secured their own theatre space, performing for New Yorkers independently. Chinese opera bears little resemblance to European opera, and even less to the "Oriental" image of China then popular on the mainstream stage. Confused by what they were seeing, New Yorkers rejected genuine Chinese theatre that did not match up with contemporary media stereotypes.

3. In the 1960s and 1970s, a grassroots theatre movement, beginning in efforts to educate migrant farmers and encourage them to form unions, took off, spreading across the United States. Which minority group did this movement represent?

c. Chicanos

In 1965, Luis Valdez, the son of Chicano migrant farm workers, founded the theatrical company El Teatro Campesino. El Teatro Campesino took theatrical performances—often without props, sets, or written scripts—directly to the camps of migrant farm workers. In its performances, the company sought to inspire farm workers to form a farm workers' union, but it also performed pieces based on Mexican popular theatre: corridas (dramatized ballads), peladitos (comic skits with an underdog protagonist), and religious pageants.

El Teatro Campesino's success led to the growth of a national Chicano theatre movement, which peaked in the 1970s.

4. In the late 1910s and the 1920s, record companies including Okeh, Paramount, Vocalion, and Columbia began releasing records by performers from which minority group?

c. African Americans

Prior to the Great Migration of the early 20th century, when African Americans came north in search of a better life, major record companies released African American music, but only as performed by white performers. Sensing the potential for a new market, the companies began to record African American performers and release their music on special labels targeted at African American audiences. Called "race records," these records were later marketed to white audiences as well. African Americans also established their own companies to distribute records—the first African American owned label, Black Swan, was established in 1921. Many styles of music associated with race records would later be recategorized as "rhythm and blues."