Not many Jews immigrated to the United States before about 1820, but the 350th anniversary of Jewish settlement in America was celebrated in 2004 to mark the arrival in New Amsterdam (New York City) in 1654 of a group of two dozen Jewish settlers from the Netherlands, by way of Brazil. Over the next century and more, Jewish immigrants to America came mostly from Spain, Portugal, and the West Indies. They were of Sephardic descent, although a few were Ashkenazim from Germany or England. Jews who settled in the American colonies often made their living by being merchants, land speculators, and importers and exporters, dealing especially in fur, whale oil, candles, wine, rum, cocoa, and textiles. They welcomed the New World's economic opportunities, but also hoped to find in America a refuge from the religious persecution they had experienced in Europe.

Jews were not welcomed everywhere in the colonies, but they established small communities in New York City; Newport, Rhode Island (1695); Charleston, South Carolina (1745); Savannah, Georgia (1735); and Philadelphia, Pennsylvania (1739): Roger Williams had founded Rhode Island on the principle of religious tolerance. English liberal philosopher John Locke had drawn up the Constitutions of Carolina, which were strongly tolerant in matters of religion. Quaker William Penn also welcomed settlers of different religious beliefs into the colony of Pennsylvania, and James Oglethorpe, Georgia's first governor, established a precedent of tolerance when he assisted a group of Jews to settle in the colony, shortly after it was founded, where they opened Congregation Mickva Israel in 1735.

The oldest synagogue building in North America, Touro Synagogue, was opened in Newport in 1763. It is still in use today. Charleston's Kahal Kadosh Beth Elohim was organized in 1749. Its present building, finished in 1794, is the second oldest in the United States and the oldest in continuous use. Until well after the Revolutionary War, the Jewish center of gravity in America was Charleston. Only later did New York City overtake it in influence.

Early Puritan New England was highly attuned to the traditions and culture of ancient Israel, but saw its own society as the "New Jerusalem," governed by covenantal relationships among its own "chosen people." Ironically, perhaps, this meant that New England, well into the 19th century, was generally less tolerant of Jewish immigration than other areas in the country, and when it was allowed, it was sometimes done because of the Puritan conviction that it would give the Jews the opportunity to be evangelized and converted to Christianity.

On the eve of the American Revolution, between 2,000 and 3,000 Jews lived in the colonies, which had a total population of 3 million. By and large, Jews were sympathetic to the effort to achieve independence from Britain. Especially attractive to Jews, because of their experience in Europe, were American efforts to create a society in which no particular religion would be established by the State. The Enlightenment influence on Revolutionary and early Republican ideals—as in Thomas Jefferson's notion of a "wall of separation between church and state"—greatly appealed to the Jewish community.

The Jewish communities in the cities were temporarily dispersed when many of their members fled British occupation forces. Perhaps 100 Jewish men served as soldiers for the American cause. Many of them were recognized for their distinguished military service. Haym Salomon, a Polish Jew who came to America in 1772, joined the Sons of Liberty in New York and became probably the greatest financier of the Revolution. Francis Salvador, who immigrated from England in 1773, was a prominent colonial legislator and American patriot in Charleston, and was killed in battle in 1776.

Faber, Eli. "Prologue to American Jewish History: The Jews of America from 1654–1820," 23–46, in From Haven to Home: 350 Years of Jewish Life in America, ed., Michael W. Grunberger. New York: George Braziller. The "coffee table book" published to accompany the exhibit at the Library of Congress in 2004. The exhibit's website is still online (see below).

Malamed, Sandra Cummings. The Jews in Early America: A Chronicle of Good Taste and Good Deeds. McKinleyville, Ca.: Fithian Press, 2003.

Kenvin, Helene Schwartz. This Land of Liberty: A History of America's Jew. West Orange, N.J.: Behrman House, 1986.

Diner, Hasia R. A New Promised Land: A History of Jews in America. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003, pages 1–21.

A Portion of the People: Three Hundred Years of Southern Jewish Life, University of North Carolina Library.

This exhibit tells "the story of Southern Jewish settlers and their descendants from the late 1600s through the 21st century." It currently consists of two presentations, each with more than 50 pages presenting an image from the exhibit's collection with accompanying explanatory text. Images include portraits, maps, historical documents, photographs of Jewish ritual books and religious and cultural objects, paintings and photographs of synagogues, and photographs of Jewish businesses. "First Families" explores the period from the 1600s to the 1820s through more than 50 images and "This Happy Land" explores the antebellum and Civil War years through more than 90 images. (The presentation Pledging Allegiance, recounting the story of Jewish migration to the South in the first half of the 20th century, is under construction.) Visitors can listen to six interviews featuring voices from the past (transcripts are available). Additionally, a photographic essay with more than 40 photographs, Palmetto Jews by Bill Aron, examines Jewish life in South Carolina over the past 50 years. There is no site search capability.

Jews in America: Our Story, Center for Jewish History.

The history of Jews in America from the 17th century to the present is explored in this website through essays, images, video presentations, and interactive timelines. "It is a portrait of American Jews—and a portrait of America." It presents this story through eight sections focused on particular time periods: 1654–1776; 1777—1829; 1830—1880; 1881—1919; 1920—1939; 1940—1948; 1949—1967; and 1968—present. Each section has short topical essays explaining the period (an introduction, world events, politics, religion and community, and daily life; some sections add essays on arts and entertainment, sports, or science), video and audio presentation(s), an image gallery, and books for further reading. A number of sections also have "featured artifacts" that examine a particular cultural artifact in greater detail. The timeline has information about the events on the timeline and links to related websites about the event, where available. Each image is accompanied by a description and a larger size image. The 590 images in the collection can also be viewed in a separate gallery. A keyword search is available. This site is of interest to anyone teaching or researching the history of Jews in America, cultural history, ethnicity, or art history.

From Haven to Home: 350 Years of Jewish Life in America, Library of Congress.

An exhibition on Jewish life in America emphasizing the themes of accommodation, assertion, adaptation, and acculturation. The website features more than 200 illustrations, portraits, and images of books and documents from Library of Congress collections. The website offers an explanatory overview of the exhibition and four brief electronic exhibits focused that help to tell a part of the Jewish story in America from 1654 to the present. Some of the items highlighted by the exhibition include the first book printed in the English settlements of America, the Bay Psalm Book printed in 1640, the first published American Jewish sermon, and a hand-drawn plaque from ca. 1942 with dual Hebrew prayers for Winston Churchill and Franklin Roosevelt. A small bibliography lists 10 books plus six books for children. The site provides an introduction to the Library of Congress collections and is useful for teaching about the history of Jewish life in America.

Pencak, William. Jews & Gentiles in Early America, 1654–1800. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2005.

Faber, Eli. A Time for Planting: The First Migration 1654–1820. The Jewish People in America, Volume 1. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992.

Reiss. Oscar. The Jews in Colonial America. Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland & Company, 2004.

Marcus, Jacob Rader. Early American Jewry. 2 volumes. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1951–53.

-----. The Colonial American Jew, 1492–1776. 3 volumes. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1970.
-----. United States Jewry, 1776–1985. Volume 1. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1989.
Sarna, Jonathan. American Judaism: A History. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004, pages 1–40.
Hertzburg, Arthur. The Jews in America. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1989, pages 17–73.

Sachar, Howard M. A History of the Jews in America. New York: Vintage Books, 1993, pages 9–37.

Diner, Hasia R. Jews of the United States, 1654–2000. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004, pages 13–57.

Prudence Patterson was born in 1743 (either in Wales or in County Antrim, Ireland) and emigrated to America with her parents. In 1763, she married another immigrant, John Hall, in York, South Carolina. They had eight or nine children. Their children's names were James, John, Prudence, Jennet, Margaret, William Henry, Alexander Brown, Josiah, and Major Temple.

John Hall appears on the U.S. Revolutionary War Rolls as a private in the 2nd South Carolina Regiment. He died in 1784. Prudence appears as the head of family in York in the 1790 Federal Census, residing there with her children and a slave.

Carol Berkin, a historian at Baruch College, mentions Prudence Patterson in her 2005 book, Revolutionary Mothers: Women in the Struggle for America's Independence:

"Far to the south, as the British besieged the South Carolina capital of Charleston in early 1776, Harriet Prudence Patterson Hall and three of her friends made their way past enemy soldiers surrounding the city. When the sentries topped them, Hall explained that they were on their way to purchase medicine from a Charleston apothecary. What the redcoats saw gave them little reason to be suspicious: standing before them were four well-dressed matrons, on an errand that took them into the city. The British soldiers stepped aside, giving the women permission to pass. With that, Harriet Hall walked into Charleston, an important message for the American commander safely hidden inside her petticoat."

For this information, Berkin' cites the Year Book, 2003-2004, of the Harriet Prudence Patterson Hall Chapter of the National Society of the Daughters of the American Revolution of North Little Rock, Arkansas. You might contact the Prudence Hall Chapter through their website and ask them about the source of their information. According to their website, Harriet Hetley West, a descendant of Prudence and John Hall, emigrated to Arkansas in the 1850s, and it was through her and her descendants that the North Little Rock Chapter of the DAR was formed in 1963.

Another source for more information would be the Southern Revolutionary War Institute, at the McCelvey Center in York, South Carolina, at the Museum of York County. A description on their website of their holdings of family histories related to York County, says they have a copy of The Hall Family, by Claudia Hall O'Driscoll, which may never have been published, since it doesn't show up in online library catalogs. I would guess that your ancestor appears in it, perhaps with some documentation.

It is from this book, presumably, that O'Driscoll family researchers have copied a letter from Prudence Hall's descendant Annie Farris Lumpkin to Daisy West Watkins, dated April 23, 1933, Rock Hill, South Carolina, and posted it on the Ancestry.com website:

Our notable ancestress, Harried [sic] Prudence Patterson, born in the year 1743, was of Welsh and English descent. On the maternal side she was Welsh, on the paternal, English. The Patterson family emigrated to America when Prudence was a child. The family first settled in Maryland, and later moved to Pennsylvania. She was 15 years of age when the family moved from Maryland to Pennsylvania. She rode horseback all the way and drove the cows behind the covered wagons. Later they moved to South Carolina and settled near Charles Town where she grew to young womanhood and met and married John Hall, also of an English family. John Hall was six years his wife's senior, having been born in 1737. Patterson was 20 years of age and John Hall 26 when their marriage took place in 1763.

Sometime prior to the American Revolution they left Charles Town and moved to upper South Carolina and settled in York District. Here they bought land on Little Allison Creek and built their home among a large grove of fine old trees, near a big spring of cool sparkling water, an ideal place for a residence and, strange as it may seem, this very place was destined to play an important part in the history of the American Revolution. Here a big brick store was erected, which not only served the people for miles around as a trading point, but also became the distribution point for salt. Salt was a scarce article in those days. During the Revolution, women rode horseback from as far as Camden to this place to purchase a supply of salt, which was limited to a certain amount for each family. The salt was hauled in wagons from Virginia by slaves. Here Prudence became a heroine of her day. She saved the life of a man whom the Indians had scalped and left to die. She had a number of milk cows ranging at large. One of the cows failed to come home at milking time. She mounted her horse and rode out through the dense woods to find her. She heard a moaning and groaning of someone in great distress. Being a pioneer woman of a fearless and intrepid character, she rode on till she found the man laying in water. She rode quickly back and spread the news. The man was rescued and nursed back to life. His name was John Forbess. He lived to a ripe old age and is buried in Ebenezer Cemetery.

Prudence would often walk the ten miles to attend services at Bethel Presbyterian Church, where she is now buried in Clover, South Carolina.

Prudence and two other women rode horseback to Charlestown [that is, Charleston] during the war under the guise of purchasing medicine. They were held up by the British as spies, but their story of being out to purchase medicine they were allowed to pass the British ranks. They got their medicine and returned, but not until Prudence had delivered an important message to the American Army, which she had carried sewn up in her petticoat. She had outwitted the British, and oh how they hated her. I wish I could remember the little doggerel rhyme the British made about these three woman, but I can only remember the line "Prudence Hall, Peggy Strain and Beckie McCall."

After John Hall died, Prudence moved to Union County to a place called "Sylvan Springs," a sort of summer resort. There she married a man by the name of [Robert] Harris, but soon separated from him. She ran a boarding house.

The unsourced material about Prudence Hall you see on the web is almost certainly derived from this letter.

Corroborating Prudence's wartime adventures may be difficult. A researcher from the Patterson family, however, in a comment on the Genealogy Forum website, raises two issues:

There is no record showing Prudence Hall with a first name Harriet. That appears to come from researchers of the [Hall] family, but no records (John Hall's will & estate papers nor Prudence Hall Harris' own will & estate records) indicate such a first name. … One of my Farris cousins (Annie Farris Lumpkin) was interested in family history and was a Hall descendant through Harriet Hetley West. She told a story about a Prudence Hall saving a wounded militiaman named John Forbes (my ancestor) during the Revolutionary War. But from the description of "Prudie Hall" it was a young woman (John & Prudence's daughter Prudence?), not Prudence Patterson Hall herself.

Berkin's brief account in Revolutionary Mothers places Prudence Hall's ride to Charleston during the first British siege of that city in 1776. That siege was repulsed at the Battle of Sullivan's Island on June 29th. The American forces were under the command of Major General Charles Lee, who was not at Sullivan's Island itself, but across the harbor in Charleston, exchanging dispatches with Colonel William Moultrie, who was commanding the garrison on the harbor side of Sullivan's Island.

Annie Lumpkins' letter, however, does not say when the letter-in-the-petticoat incident occurred. Nor does the letter say that the message that Prudence delivered found its way to an American "General," as do some of the unsourced sites on the web. Perhaps the Hall family history at the Southern Revolutionary War Institute or information held by the Prudence Hall Chapter of the DAR gives more detail.

At any rate, the British conducted another siege of Charleston, from April through May of 1780, which was successful. Among the more than 5,000 colonial soldiers under Major General Benjamin Lincoln who surrendered to the British on May 12th was the 2nd South Carolina Regiment, which was John Hall's unit. For more on this siege (although there is no mention of John and Prudence Hall), see Carl P. Borick's A Gallant Defense: The Siege of Charleston, 1780 (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2003) and Walter J. Fraser's Patriots, Pistols, and Petticoats: "Poor Sinful Charles Town" During the Revolutionary War Era (Columbia, SD: University of South Carolina Press, 2003).

The British commander of both sieges of Charleston was Sir Henry Clinton. His collected papers eventually found their way to the Clements Library at the University of Michigan. From Clinton's papers, the library has created a fascinating web exhibit, Spy Letters of the American Revolution. The exhibit has no documentation on Prudence Hall, but it draws on only a very small number of items in the collection.

Here I imagine you handing me a big stick and inviting me to climb up an ancient oak and swat a huge, low hanging hornet's nest.

The question of who designed the American flag is, as they say, "contested" and has been so for 140 years. You may wonder "Why only that long?" "What about the century before that, back to the founding of the nation?" "What did people think then?"

The answer seems to be that people thought the American flag simply evolved during the Revolutionary War from other flags and ensigns used in the British empire. The Continental Congress passed a flag resolution on June 14, 1777, that read: "Resolved. That the flag of the United States be 13 stripes alternate red and white, that the Union be 13 stars white in a field of blue representing a new constellation." This resolution, however, was submitted to Congress by its Marine Committee, among other resolutions concerning the navy and shipping. It is unclear whether the flag resolution was understood at the time to have established a national standard per se, or only a naval ensign.

A letter written on May 10, 1779, from the Board of War (the Continental Congress' War Office) to George Washington, who was then encamped with his army at Middlebrook, New Jersey, underscores the uncertainty. It suggests that almost two years after the flag resolution, an official flag for the United States had not yet been set. The letter says, in part:

"It was intended that every Regiment should have two Colours—one the Standard of the United States which should be the same throughout the Army, & the other a Regimental Colour which should vary according to the facings of the Regiments. But it is not yet settled what is the Standard of the U. States. If your Excellency will therefore favor us with your Opinion on the Subject we will report to Congress & request them to establish a Standard & so soon as this is done we will endeavor to get Materials and order a Number made sufficient for the Army."

Even if there was uncertainty during this period about the flag, however, it was in fact the design as described in the flag resolution that stood alone by about 1783 as the design of the American flag. Flags were handmade during this time, however, and flags varied in the length and width of the red and white stripes, the proportion of the blue field to the stripes, the number of points on the stars, and the shape of the "constellation" of the stars on the blue field, none of which were described in the flag resolution.

Frances Hopkinson of New Jersey, a signer of the Declaration of Independence, was an official with the Continental Congress' Navy Board at the time the flag resolution was passed in 1777. After the war, he submitted a letter to the government asking to be paid for designing that flag. His request was refused, apparently because he had been an employee of the government at the time and because, it was said, "many people" had contributed to the flag design.

When new states were brought into the Union, the flag was changed to add stars (and, at first, stripes). Congress legislated this in 1794 and then, in a more detailed way, in 1818.

Most of this history was well known to researchers in the first half of the 19th century. The standard published authorities on the history of the flag consulted during this time were Schuyler Hamilton, The History of the National Flag of the United States of America (Philadelphia: Lippincott, Grambo and Company, 1852), and Ferdinand L. Sarmiento, The History of Our Flag: From the Earliest Period of Our Colonial Existence down to the Present Time (Philadelphia: A. Winch, 1864).

In 1870, William J. Canby delivered a paper before the Pennsylvania Historical Society, "The History of the Flag of the United States". In it, Canby related a story that his grandmother had told him before she died, in 1836, when he was 6 years old.

In 1776, she had told him, when she was a young widow, she was living on Arch Street in Philadelphia, and doing business there as an upholsterer and seamstress. Her name then was Elizabeth (that is, Betsy) Ross. One day that summer a special committee of the Continental Congress, composed of financier Robert Morris and George Ross (the uncle of her deceased husband), accompanied by George Washington, paid her a visit. Washington, said Canby, showed her a rough design for a national flag and asked her if she could make one based on the design. As Canby told it, Betsy Ross suggested a few changes in the design, to which Washington assented, including making the stars five-pointed instead of six-pointed. When the committee returned after a few days, Betsy presented them with the flag she had made and they were delighted with it, returning with it to Congress, which approved it as the national emblem.

There is no documentary evidence for any of this dating from that time, except to support the fact that Canby's grandmother, Betsy Ross, was indeed in business as an upholsterer and seamstress on Arch Street, and that government records do show that she was later reimbursed for sewing a naval ensign for a squadron of Pennsylvania ships. The only evidence Canby had to offer for his story was "family tradition," that is, a story that his grandmother had told him 36 years previously about something that she said had happened to her 60 years before that. To support his story, he collected affidavits from his aunts—Betsy's daughters (who had not been born in 1776)—and an aged cousin, all of whom affirmed that they had heard Betsy tell this story.

Canby then began an intense correspondence with naval officer, historian, and writer George Henry Preble, who was then working on a book about the history of the American flag, and convinced Preble to include the story of Betsy Ross in Preble's meandering footnotes in the volume he published in 1872, Our Flag: Origin and Progress of the Flag of the United States of America (Albany: Joel Munsell, 1872).

The following year, Canby's story was picked up and retold uncritically in an article in the widely-read Harper's New Monthly Magazine, which brought the story of Betsy Ross and the flag to a large popular audience. [H. K. W. Wilcox, "National Standards and Emblems," Harper's New Monthly Magazine, vol. 47, issue 278 (July 1873): 171-181]. The nation's daily newspapers also ran many feature stories on the birth of the flag, incorporating Canby's story.

Five years later, another Betsy Ross descendant, J. Franklin Reigart, published The History of the First United States Flag, and the Patriotism of Betsy Ross, the Immortal Heroine That Originated the First Flag of the Union ["Dedicated to the Ladies of the United States by Col. J. Franklin Reigart."] (Harrisburg, PA: L.S. Hart, 1878), which embellished the tale considerably. Reigart seems to have been motivated by a combination of family pride and a notion of chivalry that required that he "make way for the ladies." His own embroidery of the tale had Betsy not only creating the design herself based only on the sketchiest of preliminary ideas offered by Washington, but also had her, based on a "prophetic vision," sewing the words "United States of America" on the hem of the flag, thus inventing the name of the country as well. Reigart's book was received skeptically, to put it mildly, by contemporary historians.

William Canby's brother, George, took up the family tradition and continued to collect material that might support the Betsy Ross story. His nephew, Lloyd Balderston, published this material in 1909 in his book, The Evolution of the American Flag: from materials collected by the late George Canby (Philadelphia: Ferris & Leach, 1909).

Other Ross descendants also contributed their efforts on behalf of their ancestor. Oliver Randolph Parry authored Betsy Ross and the United States Flag: Philadelphia Woman Maker of the First Standard. A paper read before the Bucks County Historical Society, at Doylestown, Pa., January 19, 1909 (Philadelphia: 1909), and Edwin Satterthwaite Parry, a great-great-grandson of Betsy, published Betsy Ross, Quaker Rebel: Being the True Story of the Romantic Life of the Maker of the First American Flag (Philadelphia: John Winston Company, 1930).

A Ross descendant in the current generation has continued the defense of the story. After having read a 1972 article in the Wall Street Journal that described the Betsy Ross story as a myth (Valerie Reitman, "Tale of Betsy Ross, It Seems, Was Made Out of Whole Cloth: A Grandson Spun a Flag Story, Then Sold It to America; Now Part of Nation's Fabric," Wall Street Journal, June 12, 1992, pp. A1-A2), Ross descendant John Balderston Harker took up his pen at the challenge to the family escutcheon and has published Betsy Ross's Five Pointed Star, Elizabeth Claypoole, Quaker Flag Maker—A Historical Perspective (Melbourne Beach, FL: Canmore Press, 2005).

During the 1890s, the Betsy Ross story was spread more widely still when the American Flag House and Betsy Ross Memorial Association was founded by private investors who wished to buy, restore, and preserve the building on Philadelphia's Arch Street that they had identified as Betsy Ross's house. Schoolchildren across the nation were asked to send in their dimes to contribute to the project. They received in return certificates on which was printed a reproduction of a fanciful painting done by Charles Weisgerber of Betsy Ross presenting her flag (with the stars in a circle) to Washington, Morris, and Ross. Notably, most of the books published on Betsy Ross have been written for children and have approached the story uncritically. Reproductions of Weisgerber's painting have appeared in history textbooks around the country.

Nevertheless, a few books written by researchers outside the circle of Betsy Ross descendants have been sympathetic, to one degree or another, to the Betsy Ross story. They include:

Ray Thompson. Betsy Ross: Last of Philadelphia's Free Quakers (Fort Washington, PA: Bicentennial Press, 1972).
Robert Morris. The Truth About the Betsy Ross Story (Beach Haven, New Jersey: Wynnehaven Publishing Company, 1982).
William D. Timmins. Betsy Ross, the Griscom Legacy (Salem County, New Jersey: Cultural and Heritage Commission, 1983).

Most of the historians who have looked into the history of the flag have been highly skeptical of the Betsy Ross story, even as the public has embraced it. About the most positive statement that the consensus of historians' opinion can deliver is that someone might have asked Betsy Ross at some time to make a flag of some design that some American military or naval force could use. Beyond that, everything is up in the air.

Historians have pointed to inconsistencies and historical improbabilities in the story. They have also pointed to its tenuous foundation: hearsay testimony of a family member first revealed to the public 94 years after the event. Finally, they have pointed to the ways in which the story has been used as a kind of promotional device in selling things or ideas to the public. Beyond the funding of tourist sites and historical memorials in Philadelphia, and all the patriotic gewgaws and paraphernalia associated with Betsy Ross, historians have also pointed to several ideas that late 19th century promoters of one kind or another were eager to "sell" to the public. These included the necessity of national unity at a time when north and south were still healing from the divisions of the Civil War and when new waves of immigrants were arriving on the country's shores. Ideas that would get Americans to rally around the flag—such as the institution of Flag Day, the introduction of the Pledge of Allegiance, and the story of Betsy Ross—helped in this.

In addition, through the story of Betsy Ross, women could be brought into the patriotic stories of the country's founding at the time of the Revolution. Historians have argued that the story of Betsy Ross offered the country a way of incorporating the rising sentiment toward women's rights into a narrative that simultaneously added a woman into the ranks of America's founders, but also reinforced women's traditional domestic role of seamstress. In some of the more fantastic elaborations, the story also portrayed Betsy Ross as the Mother of Her Country, visited by Washington, the Father of His Country, and, through their mysterious union, bringing about what one historian has referred to as the "immaculate conception" of the flag, if not the entire idea of the country itself. The story's popularity evidently draws on some deep cultural roots apart from the lack of historical evidence to support it.

The story of Betsy Ross has echoes in the story of a young Baltimore widow, Mary Young Pickersgill. According to that story, the commander of Fort McHenry, Major George Armistead, had a committee of his officers call on Pickersgill in 1813 and commission her to sew a huge American flag to fly over the fort. After sewing it together, she delivered it to them, and it was this flag that flew over the fort when the British bombarded it in September 1814. It was her flag that inspired Francis Scott Key to write "The Star-Spangled Banner," and it is this same flag that is now on display at the Smithsonian's Museum of American History. This flag had been long stored away by a private owner, a descendant of Major Armistead, but was found, unfolded, and photographed for the first time in 1873 by George Preble when he was doing the research for the book he wrote on the history of the flag, during which time he was in correspondence with William Canby.