National Constitution Center: Explore the Constitution

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Understanding the significance of the U.S. Constitution requires more than simply reading its text. This website provides context and tools designed to historically contextualize the U.S. Constitution and help users assess its lasting impact. An interactive Constitution lies at the heart of the website, providing line-by-line commentary by current scholars alongside excerpts from contemporary primary sources. Users can also search the Constitution in connection with specific court cases, topics, and keywords.

An interactive timeline in the exhibit "Centuries of Citizenship" provides useful background information. Additional contextual information is available in the form of a set of "fast facts"; descriptions of "basic governing principles," such as the rule of law, Federalism, and judicial review; detailed biographical information on all delegates to the Constitutional Convention; and audio discussions with scholars and pundits on topics ranging from voting to prominent court cases to women in the Early Republic. Three scholarly essays provide different "perspectives on the Constitution," reminding users that the success of the Constitution in uniting a group of diverse territories was far from assured in the late 1700s. Related primary sources in the "Founding Documents" section allow users to trace the relationship between the U.S. Constitution and the Magna Carta, the Mayflower Compact, and the Virginia Declaration of Rights.

New editions include the interactive experience "Lincoln's Crossroads," in which students face some of the choices Lincoln faced during his presidency; "A More Perfect Union," an exhibit on Barack Obama's 2008 speech on race at the Constitution Center; " and "Seize the Vote," a 4-player game testing voting rights' knowledge.

Lincoln-Douglas Debates of 1858

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The Lincoln-Douglas Debates of 1858 website covers precisely what it sounds as if it would—the famed debates between senatorial candidates Abraham Lincoln and Stephen Douglas.

Navigation is simple, divided into sections by primary source type. Debate Text from Nicolay and Hay< includes "transcriptions" of the debates recreated by two of Lincoln's secretaries circa 1894, as well as debate-related publications by the same two individuals. The transcriptions are based on Lincoln's own writings and newspaper accounts of the debates. Debate Text from Newspapers provides links to newspaper versions of the debate. The website notes that newspapers were affiliated with a political party, and that it can be intriguing to compare Democratic and Republican accounts of the same speech. Debate Commentary from Newspapers is similar to the newspaper debate text section except that it covers period observations on the debates rather than the words spoken.

Additional sections contain video commentary on the debates, maps, relevant images, and two lesson plans. Note that the lesson plans do not specify appropriate grade levels.

Center on Congress

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The Center on Congress, led by former U.S. Representative Lee Hamilton, exists to help the public better understand the role of Congress and the public's relationship to it. Their audience includes the general public, teachers, and journalists.

Your first thought as an educator may be to click on Teacher Resources. However, this section is more of a gateway to content in Learn About Congress than a section unto itself. That said, Classroom Resources does include a tool for paring down the site's educational materials to the appropriate grade level and topic, as well as best practices videos of lessons in action.

Learning About Congress has the widest variety of content useful to the K-12 educator. Resources include approximately 8 interactive modules, more than 20 short animated videos, a collection of live-action video clips of "insider views," more than 30 brief audio presentations on issues ranging from disaster relief to bilingual education, and a variety of relevant reading material. The spoken narration on the interactive modules tends to be dry, and would more than likely only be of use in the higher grades. However, the animated videos are enthusiastically narrated, making them more appropriate for a wider range of viewers. A free Citizen's Guide helps to connect daily life to the actions of Congress. The guide is not unlike a textbook in terms of language and graphic design. As such, its format should be readily accessible and familiar to the average student.

Depending on your computer access and comfort with online activities, you may also be interested in the Virtual Congress where your students can create members of Congress, move their avatars through digital recreations of key locations, and participate in a "multi-player" setting proposing legislation. Another option is Teaching with Primary Sources, a joint effort between the Center on Congress and the Library of Congress, providing separate entry points for teachers and students. These offerings require free registration.

Other items of interest on the site include results of public and political scientists' surveys on Congress' function, beginning in 2002; a blog concerning topics relevant to current Congressional issues; and Congressional FAQs. Teachers can also apply for the American Civic Education Teacher Awards.

Bill of Rights

Video Overview

Whitman Ridgway outlines some of the context in which the Bill of Rights was created and arguments surrounding its creation. He goes on to look at the specific language of several of the Amendments, the reasons for their wording and inclusion, and how he believes they should be interpreted.

Video Clip Name
Ridgway1.mov
Ridgway2.mov
Ridgway3.mov
Ridgway4.mov
Video Clip Title
The Bill of Rights in Context
Federalist vs. Anti-Federalists
Looking at the Amendments
Having the Right
Video Clip Duration
3:28
3:47
5:07
4:22
Transcript Text

Well, the Bill of Rights, in my opinion, is a very remarkable document because what it does is to summarize the colonists' concern over their legal rights that they were debating with the English government in the 1760s, but it also is a summary of the rights that are guaranteed in various state documents, the state Declaration of Rights, that were written during the Revolution itself, so it's a very lean and mean, if you will, definition of individual liberties as practiced against the national government.

I see the Bill of Rights as part of a longer tradition. The colonists at the time of the Revolution were very sensitive to the issue of rights and so the first iteration was the adoption of Declarations of Rights when the states wrote their constitutions. One of the biggest criticisms of the federal Constitution when it was released was that it did not include a Bill of Rights, and so what we have is a huge debate during the ratification process from 1787 to 1788 over whether or not the Constitution should be amended to include a Bill of Rights.

And this turned out to be a very, very controversial problem. The anti-Federalists published a pamphlet which criticized the Federalists for what they had done. But more importantly for the absence of a Bill of Rights. There’s a very strong public reaction to this throughout the nation for the need for a Bill of Rights.

And it's not until the Massachusetts Convention in the spring of 1788 that they come up with a solution and the solution is that the Convention recommends to the First Congress that there should be additional amendments.

The Bill of Rights is designed to accomplish several different things. One is to protect against an establishment of a national religion or any kinds of national efforts to have uniform religious observance. So you have in the First Amendment, the statement that there shall not be "an establishment of religion," nor will there be a prohibition on the "free exercise" of religion. So religion is on the minds of the framers.

They're also concerned with protecting against a standing army. So you have the Second and Third Amendment and you have the concern about having a well-regulated militia. One of the major concerns with the framers was to prevent the abuse by government of individuals accused of a crime. And so what we find is that in the Fifth Amendment and the Sixth Amendment, and the Eighth Amendment against cruel and unusual punishments, what we have are a series of prohibitions against governmental abuse of individuals. And the assertion of certain guarantees that individuals should have when they're brought to justice before a court of law.

The Federalists and anti-Federalists are very important to understand. The Federalists are the nationalists who in the 1780s criticized the structure of government under the Articles of Confederation and argued that there had to be a stronger central government. The people who become the anti-Federalists are the states rights advocates who were generally happy with the state sovereignty of the Articles of Confederation.

The Federalists were opposed to the Bill of Rights for several different reasons. Led by Alexander Hamilton, who was an author of the Federalist Papers, and by James Wilson, who was a leading Federalist in Philadelphia, they argued that the Constitution was a document of enumerated specific powers. To enumerate means to write out, to elaborate. Therefore, since in Article I, Section 8 there was no enumerated power for Congress to regulate the press or restrict religion or do anything, there was no danger. Isn't it dangerous to sit down, specify all those rights that are identified with the liberties of the people and then sign the document? What about those that were forgotten?

The Federalists argued that the Bill of Rights was unnecessary because individual liberty was protected by your state Declaration of Rights. And so as a Marylander, I could rely on a very broad definition of individual rights in the Maryland Constitution of 1776 and that was the appropriate place. There was no danger from the national government.

The state Declaration[s] of Rights obviously are different, so Delaware's different from Maryland's. New York doesn't have one, Rhode Island would be different. And so, the idea is that the citizens in each of these states have the right to create whatever government they want and so there is no need for a national Bill of Rights when the Articles of Confederation is formed because it is nothing more than the creation of the states, the sovereign states.

One of the frustrations in studying the Bill of Rights is that you would expect to go to the Annals of Congress and find a full discussion of people defending the freedom of religion or attacking the fact that it's too expansive a guarantee of individual liberties and things like that, but it's not the case. There seems to have been a consensus at the First Congress as to what a Bill of Rights should be, similar to the Declaration of Rights on the states.

So Madison is elected to the Congress and becomes an outspoken advocate of the adoption of the Bill of Rights by Congress.

What he did was to take all of the proposed amendments, something like 200 proposed amendments, and he separated them out. So what he cleverly did was to take all of those that went to the structure of the government and ignored them and he went to the others that guaranteed individual liberty and he incorporated them into his proposals. Madison doggedly insists that this thing be done and ultimately prevails.

I think Congress sent something like 17 amendments to the Senate in the final report and then the Senate—which met in secret session so we have no idea what they said—they stripped off, for instance, those amendments proposed by Madison to limit the states to protect such things as trial by jury, freedom of the press, and freedom of conscience. There were 12 amendments that were proposed by Congress and only 10 of which were immediately ratified in 1791.

What I notice is the first word, "Congress." "Congress shall make no law." And when you compare this to the English Bills of Rights, the English Bills of Rights restrict the power of the King. And the American Bill of Rights, somewhat ironically, restricts the power of Congress. It's ironic because what was done is create a republican form of government where we vest Congress with enormous authority, but we're saying that Congress is the most likely entity to violate our liberties. On the one hand, we have enormous confidence in the power of Congress to represent the will of the people, but on the other, we are looking at Congress as a potential abuser of liberty.

If you look at the verbs and you compare it, say, to the Maryland Constitution, the Maryland Constitution says, "the House of Delegates ought not," "should not." In this, it says, "shall." And if you look at the verb throughout the Bill of Rights or in the Constitution itself, there's an absolute prohibition. It "shall not do this."

There's a tremendous amount of litigation that is represented in the Fifth Amendment—the double jeopardy clause something we are all familiar with, which is if you've been tried and found innocent, you cannot be brought on the same case before another court. Or you cannot be compelled to be a witness against yourself and self-incrimination.

The due process clause directly relates to an English protection. Article IV of the English Petition of Rights, stated that no man should be put out of his land or tenements nor taken nor imprisoned nor disinherited nor put to death without being brought to answer by due process of law. And so the due process clause is a direct descendant of that, as are many other provisions in the Bill of Rights.

Following the Civil War, African American citizens were not given due process rights by the various states which resulted in the 14th Amendment being passed which would protect their rights, their liberties, as citizens of the United States against the abuse of the state.

One of the most confusing things in my mind about the Bill of Rights is who does it limit. A good example of this is the case that would be decided in 1833 called Barron v. Baltimore. The issue here was the fact that the City of Baltimore in its collective wisdom was improving the streets in Fells Point and the owner of a wharf discovered that every time it rained, his wharf was getting silted up more and more. The issue was whether or not the City owed him money for destroying his wharf.

He lost in the state courts and so being very inventive, what he did was to sue in federal court and he argued that this was a "taking without compensation" and violated his Fifth Amendment rights. So it makes it way to the Supreme Court and Justice Marshall says that you don't have a cause of action because the Bill of Rights says, "Congress shall make no law"; it doesn't say that the states shall make no law. So the Barron v. Baltimore stands for the proposition that the federal Bill of Rights only attaches against federal government action and you cannot go against the states.

The Bill of Rights ends with two very important amendments, the Ninth and 10th Amendments, which are designed to protect rights that are not enumerated, or to reserve to the states rights not given or powers not given to the national government. So what this is designed to do is to address what Hamilton feared in Federalist 84—that if you forget to enumerate the rights, that they will be lost. So the Ninth Amendment says that those not enumerated, shall be retained by the people.

The 10th Amendment, on the other hand, is trying to deal with the powers of the state. those powers not given to the national government in Article I, Section 8, or those powers not prohibited to the states in Article I, Section 10. Everything else is reserved to the states respectively.

So, for instance, when Alexander Hamilton wanted to create a bank of the United States in 1791, Thomas Jefferson who opposed this said that this violates Article X because it is not a power enumerated in the Constitution and since it's not enumerated, it would be reserved to the states and the states have the power to create banks. This is the first debate over the meaning of the 10th Amendment and the use of the so-called "Elastic Clause," the necessary and proper clause of the Constitution to enact those things not specifically enumerated in Article I, Section 8.

When we talk about the First Amendment as probation on the establishment of religion, it is very hard for them [students] to accept the fact that there were established churches on the state level and that they would continue in existence until 1833. Why is it there should be an established religion on the state level but not a national established church?

The Church of England was something that they wanted to avoid whereas they accepted the fact that the citizens of Massachusetts could have a state-established church if they wanted.

What does it mean to have the free exercise of religion? The free exercise of religion as defined in the 18th century by Americans, by the founders, was the free exercise of Christian religion. It would be a Protestant religion, it could be evangelical, it could be Catholic. Agnostics were frowned upon. Atheists were not accepted and non-Christian faiths were not accepted. So when you look at the establishment of religion and the free exercise clause, it is far more limited in the 18th century than it would be in the 21st century.

Freedom of speech is another good example where people take it literally, which is to say: I should be allowed to do whatever I want. I think there're several things going on here. One is, in the 18th century, freedom of speech was often identified with the rights of a republican society, that is, it was a political right that would encourage the free expression of ideas having to do with your political responsibility. It has been transformed in the 20th century into flag burning, naked dancing, as an expression of freedom of speech which an 18th-century person would never recognize.

As for yelling fire in a crowded theater, there are restrictions and the Supreme Court has recognized those restrictions. That is, you have certain social responsibilities and you do not have an absolute right, so all of these rights are conditional.

The hardest thing, I think, to get people sensitive to is the flip side of rights, because the flip side of rights, in my view, is obligations. And so I think the assumption of the Bill of Rights is that you will live up to your obligations as a citizen, that you will behave in accordance with the general prohibitions and the general limitations on one's liberty. And that one will in fact perform one's duties as a citizen and to be responsible in doing that.

Doesn't the state have the right to limit your liberty in certain ways for the public good? Why shouldn't you be forced to incriminate yourself? What does it mean to reserve those rights not enumerated? Does it mean that they're fixed in time as Justice White thought in 1791? Or does it mean that the Supreme Court has the power to define this as every generation goes on?

I talk about this in history class. And I talk about it often in terms of why was the 14th Amendment necessary? Why is it that the Congress in 1864 decided it had to protect the rights of its citizens, in this case, former slaves, against the actions of states? And so you can talk about how the states tried to re-impose limitations on the ability of blacks to testify in court against whites; their legal rights etcetera, etcetera. So you can get to the whole idea of what are the rights of citizenship and then why were those rights being ignored in this period. And then how the federal government took a position to guarantee those and then how it failed.

Or I'll talk about various individual court decisions that will highlight the operation of one of these rights, like the Miranda decision. It's not until the 1950s, for instance, that your Miranda Rights have been assured and the reason for that is that police departments were very lax in respecting these rights and ultimately during the 1950s, the courts found it necessary to insist that there're certain standards that have to be adopted.

Black-Robed Regiment

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Question

Did a black-robed regiment really exist during the American Revolution, or was it just a myth?

Answer

The term “Black Robe Regiment” referred not to a literal regiment of soldiers that wore black robes into battle but rather to the influential clergymen who promoted American independence and supported the military struggle against Britain. By encouraging the Patriot cause, those ministers helped muster critical support among members of their congregation—support the British begrudgingly acknowledged as vital to maintaining the colonists' frustrating resistance to British attempts to restore Parliamentary rule. In its implicit comparison of symbolic support to a specific body of troops, the term “Black Robe Regiment” is somewhat similar to the “fifth column” identified by the Spanish general Emilio Mola. During that country’s Civil War in 1936, Mola boasted that he had four columns of soldiers marching upon Madrid and a “fifth column” of sympathizers already living in the city who would support the army once it arrived. The term “fifth column” has since come to refer generally to civilian supporters living within a populace, even though that group usually lacks formal organization. Likewise, the Black Robe Regiment was not an actual detachment in the Continental Army but rather a British epithet for the influence preachers exerted in support of the Patriot cause. Advocates of the British crown found preachers’ support of the Patriot cause particularly detrimental to their efforts to maintain loyalty among the colonists. Such clergymen provided sanction for the cause of independence as well as formal support for the military effort. In the 1770s, most colonists still considered themselves aligned with England; many parishioners questioned the fundamental legitimacy of revolution, and of separating from Britain and consequently the Church of England. From their pulpits, these members of the Black Robe Regiment reassured their audiences that their revolution was justified in the eyes of God. Winning and maintaining the support of the population was critical in the American War for Independence, which relied heavily on the support of volunteers and the general population.

The origin of the British label “Black Robe Regiment,” was the rhetorical support for independence.

Peter Muhlenberg is perhaps the most iconic figure associated with the Black Robe Regiment. A Virginia minister, Muhlenberg accepted a commission to lead a regiment of the Continental army. An anecdote—likely apocryphal—from an 18th-century biography depicted Muhlenberg preaching to his congregation in his clerical robes, only to strip them off and reveal his military uniform underneath, a dramatic appeal for men to join the Patriot struggle. Muhlenberg served as an officer in the Continental Army throughout the war and commanded a brigade at the Battle of Yorktown. But Muhlenberg’s literal participation in the war’s fighting was highly unusual for clergymen. Far more common, and the origin of the British label “Black Robe Regiment,” was the rhetorical support for independence those ministers offered regularly from their pulpits. Nor should the undeniable importance of support from this influential group of Protestant clergymen suggest that the American Revolution was mainly a religious revolution, or that its supporters were monolithic in their faith. Colonial religious life was heterogeneous and reflected a diverse set of beliefs. Some Patriot supporters, like the Black Robe Regiment and their congregations, subscribed to Protestant faiths and read in the events of the war evidence that God favored their cause. Many other members of the founding generation—products of the Enlightenment, which emphasized reason and rational explanation over revealed truth—characterized themselves as Deists, believing that a divine God had created the universe and set it in motion, but took no active role in shaping or guiding human affairs. A few influential Patriots seemingly defied any sort of religious affiliation: Thomas Paine, whose pamphlets "Common Sense" and "The American Crisis" were credited with boosting support for the Patriot cause during critical junctures in the revolutionary movement, famously rejected organized religion and the creeds professed by various faiths. Asserting that “My own mind is my own church,” Paine suggested that the various religions appeared to him as “no other than human inventions, set up to terrify and enslave mankind, and monopolize power and profit.” Success in the War of Independence drew on Americans of diverse backgrounds, beliefs, and faiths, who unified effectively enough to defeat the world’s strongest military power in a bloody and protracted conflict.

For more information

For more primary sources on religion in the colonies and early U.S., check out the Library of Congress exhibit Religion and the Founding of the American Republic

Bibliography

Muhlenburg, Henry A. The life of Major-General Peter Muhlenburg of the Revolutionary Army. Philadelphia: Carey and Hart, 1849.

Paine, Thomas. Common Sense. Philadelphia, 1776.

The American Crisis. London: R. Carlisle, Fleet Street, 1819.

Divided Allegiance

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Question

How can a person born in the U.S. to one U.S. citizen parent and one non-U.S. citizen parent (divided allegiance) be defined as a 'natural born citizen?'

Shouldn't a 'natural born citizen' be defined as being born with allegiance to the U.S. only?

Answer

Throughout the history of the United States, there has been a consistent evolution of who a citizen is and how a citizen is defined, as the United States Constitution has been both decided upon and modified on various occasions to expand the definition of who is a citizen and guarantee equal rights for all individuals. In the late 18th century, a citizen was defined as a white, male landowner, and African Americans could legally be held as slaves. The 1857 Dred Scott v Sandford Supreme Court case affirmed this definition. The Oyez Project (2005–2011) puts forth that in this case the Court found that "no person descended from an American slave had ever been a citizen." Six years subsequent to this decision, President Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation, which declared "that all persons held as slaves within the rebellious states are, and henceforward shall be free."

The 14th Amendment guarantees that a person born in the United States is thereby a citizen, even if both parents are illegal immigrants.

This change was reflected in the Constitution of the United States in the 14th Amendment (1868), which states "All persons born or naturalized in the United States . . . are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside," as well as the 15th Amendment (1870), which puts forth that "The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude." However, the next half century still saw roughly half of the country's population without full citizenship rights, as it was not until 1920 that the 19th Amendment was passed that granted women suffrage. To answer the particular question posed above, simply put, the 14th Amendment guarantees that a person born in the United States is thereby a citizen, even if both parents are illegal immigrants. However, this is not without controversy, and it has become a political issue, as citizens born to illegal immigrants have derisively been referred to as "anchor babies." For more on this issue, try searching the New York Times using the phrase "anchor babies." However, American children of foreign parents can be dual citizens depending in part on the rules of the other country. This status is conferred when "an individual is a citizen of two countries at the same time." The website newcitizen.us describes potential benefits to being a dual citizen; among them are "the privilege of voting in both countries, owning property in both countries, and having government health care in both countries." However, the U.S. Department of State puts forth that the U.S. government "does not encourage" dual citizenship "because of the problems it may cause," particularly that "claims of other countries on dual national U.S. citizens may conflict with U.S. law, and dual nationality may limit U.S. Government efforts to assist citizens abroad." To answer the initial question in regards to allegiance, allegiance may be more the way a person feels rather than actual law. On this topic the U.S. Department of State notes that "where a dual national is located [where the citizen resides] generally has a stronger claim to that person's allegiance."

Bibliography

Newcitizen.us. "Dual citizenship." 2011 (accessed on April 8, 2011).

U.S. Supreme Court Media. "Dred Scott v. Sandford," 60 U.S. 393 (1857). The Oyez Project (accessed on March 31, 2011).

U.S. Department of State. "US Department of State Services Dual Nationality" (accessed on April 8, 2011).

U.S. Immigration Support. "US Dual Citizenship." 2010 (accessed on April 8, 2011).