Free Speech Teaching Guide 3: The Problem of National Security Secrets

Article Body
This Teaching Guide is part of a series. Each of the four total teaching guides speaks to one aspect of the history of free speech. Although they work together to tell different parts of this history, it is not necessary to teach all of the guides or to teach them in a certain order. Each guide is a self-contained lesson.
(A PDF version of this teaching guide is also available for download-see left) 

Other guides in the series:
Free Speech Teaching Guide 1: The Birth of the Modern First Amendment: How Oliver Wendell Holmes Changed His Mind
Free Speech
Teaching Guide 2: Brandenburg v. Ohio (1969): Defining and Arguing Hate Speech 
Free Speech Teaching Guide 4: Mandel v. Kleindienst (1972): Censorship via Visa

Supreme Court announces decision on pentagon papers suit

 

Recommended for:

  • 11th Grade US History
  • 12th Grade Government
  • Undergraduate History

Table of Contents

Guide Introduction:
This introductory essay provides historical context on the First Amendment, government secrecy, and the rights of leakers and the press. Drawing attention first to more recent examples of these issues, the essay then introduces the 1971 Pentagon Papers leak which segues into a teaching activity on the topic.

Classroom Activities:
Exercise 1: Ellsberg's Memoir. A guided reading of an excerpt from Daniel Ellsberg’s memoir and an introduction to the Supreme Court case. Guiding Question: What’s the line between the government’s national security interest and the right of the public to know what the government is doing?
Exercise 2: Classifying Government Secrets. Small group, then whole classroom activity to help students understand the government classification process.
Exercise 3: Debating the Ellsberg Outcome. A discussion with students about the impact of the Pentagon Papers including the still unresolved legal questions around national security and free speech. Guiding Question: How does democracy operate amongst ambiguity and competing priorities?

Appendix:
Image of Pentagon Papers Cover
Excerpt of Ellsberg Memoir

 

Guide Introduction

        In the first and second guides in the Free Speech Teaching Guides series, we explored how speech that might cause a crime became increasingly protected under the First Amendment because it became harder to prove that speech, on its own, was harmful. But what if someone leaks a national security secret to the press? Is that sufficiently harmful or sufficiently criminal to allow censorship to protect the secret? This legal issue is inseparable from the question of how information gets classified as a “secret” in the first place. This guide explores the relationship between secrecy and the First Amendment by exploring two interrelated legal problems: the rights of leakers and the press to publish secret information; and the bureaucratic process by which information is classified as secret in the first place.
       These issues are at the heart of recent conflicts about whistleblowers and classified information – individuals like Chelsea Manning and Edward Snowden have faced jail time for sharing secrets with the public. The need to protect national security secrets has become a frontline of free speech debates. Introducing students to these topics can seem daunting because the law is complicated and confusing – one Supreme Court justice famously noted that the relevant sections of the Espionage Act are “singularly opaque.” (These are different sections of the same WW1-era law that we looked at in Free Speech Teaching Guide 1 and they remain on the books today.)
       My approach to teaching this subject at the introductory level is to focus less on the intricacies of the law than on the political and moral issues raised by the place of secrecy in a democracy. Can the government keep secrets to keep us safe? Or does the public have a right to know what its government is doing? Who gets to decide? The Pentagon Papers case provides an excellent case study to get students debating these questions.

 

Classroom Exercise 1: Ellsberg's Memoir

Contents:
Overview
Memoir Excerpt, Questions, and Takeaways
Visual Aids
Concluding Concepts

Overview:
The Pentagon Papers were a 7,000 page, 47-volume history of America’s policy in Vietnam that had been prepared, in secret, by the U.S. government in the late 1960s. Included in this history were the many ways that the U.S. government had lied to the American public about the origins and conduct of the Vietnam War. They were stamped “Top Secret” and very few people had access to them. Included below is a photo of the document’s cover page.
One of the people who had access to the document was Daniel Ellsberg, a former marine with a Harvard PhD, who had worked in the highest levels of the U.S. government. At first, he was a believer in the American war in Vietnam. In the included excerpt of Ellsberg’s memoir, he wrote powerfully about the ways that access to secret information was intoxicating.
This excerpt can be assigned for pre-class or homework reading or can be done as an in-class exercise. Regardless of modality, the set of questions included in this exercise will help students engage with the source. Finally, the Concluding Context will explain how this case quickly became central to national decisions regarding the rights to free speech and public knowledge.

Exercise Steps:

  1. Read the Framing Essay and Overview of this exercise yourself and use both to introduce students to this topic.
  2. Have students read the excerpt of Ellsberg’s memoir either as homework or in class.
  3. Based on the reading, ask questions and guide conversation.
  4. Draw on the provided Concluding Context to explain how the Pentagon Papers incident played out politically and legally as far as rights of the press.

Memoir Excerpt, Questions, and Takeaways:
This source can be either a pre-class reading assignment or an in-class exercise. In either case, here are three questions to ask students:

  1. Why does Ellsberg think that there are relatively few leaks of secret information in the U.S.?
  2. How does Ellsberg describe the way that having access to secrets made him feel?
  3. Is this attitude toward state secrets democratic? Explain your reasoning.

The key takeaways for students are:

  1. That while secrets do leak, it’s surprisingly rare.
  2. That these leaks are rare largely because there is a glamour to having access to inside material, it makes you feel more important and knowledgeable than outsiders, and thus less likely to leak. Elsewhere in Ellsberg’s memoir, he writes that “the incredible pace and the inside dope made you feel important, fully engaged, on an adrenaline high much of the time. Clearly it was addictive.”
  3. That members of the intelligence community also take seriously their need to protect the national security.
  4. Ellsberg thinks this attitude is paternalistic and undemocratic — an opinion that students can debate and discuss.

[See Appendix for Image of Pentagon Papers Cover and Excerpt of Ellsberg's Memoir]

Visual Aids:
By the late 1960s, Ellsberg had become disillusioned about the war. He had seen too much on tours in Vietnam; he had become inspired by the anti-war movement. In class, I show some images of Ellsberg to show his political evolution: 
Ellsberg in the Marines in the 1950s. Sitting at a desk looking over papers
Daniel Ellsberg seated at desk, May 8, 1956. Daniel Ellsberg Papers (MS 1093). Special Collections and University Archives, University of Massachusetts Amherst Libraries
In Vietnam in the 1960s. He stands on a dirt road in his marine uniform with a rifle in hand
Daniel Ellsberg holding a rifle in front of bunker, ca. 1965. Daniel Ellsberg Papers (MS 1093). Special Collections and University Archives, University of Massachusetts Amherst Libraries
Ellsberg's Joint Chiefs of Staff ID card
United States. Joint Chiefs of Staff. Daniel Ellsberg Joint Chiefs of Staff temporary identification card, July 1, 1965. Daniel Ellsberg Papers (MS 1093). Special Collections and University Archives, University of Massachusetts Amherst Libraries

Ellsberg at the time of the Pentagon Papers case sitting in front of 3 microphones
Wikimedia Commons

 

Concluding Context:
In 1969, Ellsberg decided that the public had a right to know the secret history he had read in the Pentagon Papers — he hoped disclosing that history would help end the war. In secret, he began smuggling the papers out of the office every night to photocopy them. In 1971, he gave a copy to the New York Times and then to the Washington Post. After vigorous internal debates about whether it was legal to publish these stolen and secret documents, both newspapers began running stories in June.


The Washington’s Post internal deliberations about whether to run the story are dramatized in the 2017 movie, The Post – Showing the movie to students would be a way to expand this guide to discuss the ethical obligations of journalists when it comes to publishing secret documents.


The Nixon administration’s response was extreme. They went to court to try to prevent the newspapers from publishing any more stories from the Pentagon Papers, claiming that every disclosure risked harming America’s national security. But blocking a newspaper from publishing is a heavy-handed form of censorship, known as prior restraint. And so the newspapers understandably argued that their First Amendment rights were being threatened. These questions were so fundamental, the stakes so urgent, that the case was heard by the Supreme Court less than two weeks after the first publications from the Pentagon Papers.
The rushed process produced a confusing decision. Rather than one clear majority decision, each of the justices issued their own opinion. Taken together, the court had ruled, six votes to three, that prior restraint of the Pentagon Papers was unconstitutional. Only in very particular cases, when the information published was likely to “inevitably, directly, and immediately cause” serious harm to the national security – something like “imperiling the safety of a [troop] transport already at sea” – could one justify prior restraint. The government could not show this level of harm in the Pentagon Papers case, and so the press could publish. (In fact, this bar is so high that it has never been met.) But the array of opinions left open some important questions, such as whether the newspapers could be punished for publishing state secrets after the fact, even if they could not be blocked from publishing them in the first place.  
       And because the decision was about the right of the newspapers to publish state secrets, it said nothing about whether Ellsberg had a right to give the Pentagon Papers to the newspapers in the first place. He was also on trial, facing 115 years in jail for giving secret information to unauthorized persons (a violation of a section of the Espionage Act). In response, he claimed a right to inform the public about government misconduct, arguing that just because a document was stamped secret didn’t mean that its disclosure would actually harm the nation’s security. In fact, he had not turned over every section of the Pentagon Papers to the press – he had only turned over those sections he believed to be wrongly classified.
The trial of Ellsberg should have been an important case, one that clarified whether government employees could claim a First Amendment right to disclose classified information to the public. Did the simple fact that a document was stamped secret mean that its disclosure posed an actual threat to national security?
To grapple with this question, students need to know how secrecy works. How does a government document become a secret? In the U.S. the process of defining secrets is guided by the classification system, which is established by Presidential order.
The first such order was passed by Harry Truman in 1951; at the time of the Pentagon Papers, the classification rules in place where those established by President Eisenhower in 1953 (seen in Exercise 2).

 

Exercise 2: Classifying Government Secrets

Contents:
Overview & Exercise Steps
Executive Order 10501, Annotated
Hypothetical, Alternative Executive Order
Scenarios
Debate & Conclusions

 

Overview & Exercise Steps:

  • To explore how different classification standards can shape the practice of classification, divide the class into small groups.
  • Each group will be given one of two sets of classification orders:
    • One half of the groups will be given the actual classification instructions in use at the time of the Pentagon Papers case (Executive Order 10501).
    • The other half of the groups will be given a fictional, revised set of instructions which ask the classifier to pay more attention to the public’s right to know.
      • Note: While reformers have called for these sorts of changes over the years, no classification order has ever looked like this.
  • The purpose of this exercise is to allow students to see how seemingly small changes in classification orders could change the process of stamping secrets – and so we are using a hypothetical set of orders to illustrate the point.
  • Give the groups scenarios with which to test their classification instructions.
  • End by encouraging students to debate the issue of classification and lead a concluding discussion.

Executive Order 10501, Annotated:
Link to Executive Order 10501

       “WHEREAS it is essential that the citizens of the United States be informed concerning the activities of their government; and
       WHEREAS the interests of national defense require the preservation of the ability of the United States to protect and defend itself against all hostile or destructive action by covert or overt means, including espionage as well as military action; and
         WHEREAS it is essential that certain official information affecting the national defense be protected uniformly against unauthorized disclosure:
         NOW, THEREFORE, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and statutes, and as President of the United States, and deeming such action necessary in the best interests of the national security, it is hereby ordered as follows:
       Section 1. Classification Categories: Official information which requires protection in the interests of national defense shall be limited to three categories of classification, which in descending order of importance shall carry one of the following designations: Top Secret, Secret, or Confidential. No other designation shall be used to classify defense information, including military information, as requiring protection in the interests of national defense, except as expressly provided by statute. These categories are defined as follows: ...

  • The previous order under Truman had a fourth category - "restricted" - which this order abolished.  It seems to have made little difference - classifiers simply made more use of the "confidential" stamp.
    In reality, as the above photo from 1957 reveals, many different secrecy stamps and designations were adopted in the 1950s

        (a)  Top Secret: Except as may be expressly provided by statute, the use of the classification Top Secret shall be authorized, by appropriate authority, only for defense information or material which requires the highest degree of protection.  The Top Secret classification shall be applied only to that information or material the defense aspect of which is paramount, and the unauthorized disclosure of which could result in exceptionally grave damage to the Nation such as leading to a definite break in diplomatic relations affecting the defense of the United States, an armed attack against the United States or its allies, a war, or the compromise of military or defense plans, or intelligence operations, or scientific or technological developments vital to the national defense.
       (b)  Secret: Except as may be expressly provided by statute, the use of the classification Secret shall be authorized, by appropriate authority, only for defense information or material the unauthorized disclosure of which could result in serious damage to the Nation, such as by jeopardizing the international relations of the United States, endangering the effectiveness of a program or policy of vital importance to the national defense, or compromising important military or defense plans, scientific or technological developments important to national defense, or information revealing important intelligence operations. ...

  • My goal in teaching students how these orders work is to emphasize the subjective quality of these tests.
  • The difference between the levels is vague, despite the effort to bring clarity by examples. What is a disclosure that would cause "serious damage to the Nation" as opposed to "exceptionally grave damage"? How much does it help to say that the former would "jeopardize the international relations of the US" whereas the latter would lead to a "definitive break in diplomatic relations"?
  • For teachers who have also taught Free Speech Teaching Guides 1 and 2, you can note here that we are back in the world of predicting tendencies - trying to assess the likely outcome of information disclosures.

        (c)  Confidential: Except as may be expressly provided by statute, the use of the classification Confidential shall be authorized, by appropriate authority, only for defense information or material the unauthorized disclosure of which could be prejudicial to the defense interests of the nation.
       Section 2. Limitation of Authority to Classify: The authority to classify defense information or material under this order shall be limited in the departments and agencies of the executive branch as hereinafter specified….
       Section 3. Classification: Persons designated to have authority for original classification of information or material which 
requires protection in the interests of national defense under this order shall be held responsible for its proper classification in accordance with the definitions of the three categories in section 1, hereof. Unnecessary
classification and over-classification shall be scrupulously avoided.”

  • Note here the warning against over-classification. Even in the early 1950s, it was widely understood that over-classification was a major problem. One Defense Department study concluded that 90% of classified documents had been classified unnecessarily.
  • But such warnings have not been effective in reducing over-classification. Nixon's defense secretary later conceded that 95% of the Pentagon Papers, all of which were classified Top Secret, did not need to be classified at all.
  • The problem is that this warning has no enforcement mechanism.  Classifiers are not instructed to actively weigh the public right to know in making a classification decision - when deciding they are instructed to think only about potential harms.

 

Hypothetical, Alternative Executive Order:

In determining whether to classify information, you must weigh the public’s right to know about its government’s policy – if the secrecy poses a greater risk to American democracy than the risk to national security posed by disclosure, then the material should not be classified. Wherever possible, to maximize the amount of information available to the public, only the most specific level of information should be segregated and classified secret. Illegal acts should never be classified. These categories are defined as follows:
              (a) Top Secret: Except as may be expressly provided by statute, the use of the classification Top Secret shall be authorized, by appropriate authority, only for defense information or material which requires the highest degree of protection. The Top Secret classification shall be applied only to that information or material the defense aspect of which is paramount, and the unauthorized disclosure of which could result in exceptionally grave damage to the Nation such as leading to a definite break in diplomatic relations affecting the defense of the United States, an armed attack against the United States or its allies, a war, or the compromise of military or defense plans, or intelligence operations, or scientific or technological developments vital to the national defense.
            (b)  Secret:  Except as may be expressly provided by statute, the use of the classification Secret shall be authorized, by appropriate authority, only for defense information or material the unauthorized disclosure of which could result in serious damage to the Nation, such as by jeopardizing the international relations of the United States, endangering the effectiveness of a program or policy of vital importance to the national defense, or compromising important military or defense plans, scientific or technological developments important to national defense, or information revealing important intelligence operations.

              (b)  Secret:  Except as may be expressly provided by statute, the use of the classification Secret shall be authorized, by appropriate authority, only for defense information or material the unauthorized disclosure of which could result in serious damage to the Nation, such as by jeopardizing the international relations of the United States, endangering the effectiveness of a program or policy of vital importance to the national defense, or compromising important military or defense plans, scientific or technological developments important to national defense, or information revealing important intelligence operations.

              (c)  Confidential: Except as may be expressly provided by statute, the use of the classification Confidential shall be authorized, by appropriate authority, only for defense information or material the unauthorized disclosure of which could be prejudicial to the defense interests of the nation.

         Section 2. Limitation of Authority to Classify: The authority to classify defense information or material under this order shall be limited in the departments and agencies of the executive branch as hereinafter specified….
         Section 3. Classification: Persons designated to have authority for original classification of information or material which  requires protection in the interests of national defense under this order shall be held responsible for its proper classification in accordance with the definitions of the three categories in Section 1, hereof. Unnecessary
classification and over-classification are as serious a threat to American democracy as under-classification. Classification decisions will be audited, and over-classifiers will face disciplinary proceedings.

Scenarios:
Give each group three scenarios and ask whether they would classify them based on their instructions. Here are three that I use; you can develop others, of course: 

  1. The government is secretly providing weapons to an ally that is using them to fight a regional war against a nation hostile to the US. The government credibly believes that the ally would lose the war without the weapons; that the public would not support the use of US weapons in the war; and that disclosure would therefore threaten the ally’s standing and the balance of power in the region. Should the existence of the weapons program be classified?
  2. The government has a program to monitor social media for threats of terrorism. It believes the disclosure of the program would impair the effectiveness of the program. Should the existence of the program be classified?
  3. The government has a program of placing undercover operatives in a number of foreign nations. It wants to classify the existence of the program, as well as the names of the agents and the particular countries in which they will be placed. What should be classified?

Conclusions:

        Students should see that applying the standards of the Eisenhower order makes it very easy to justify classification; the fictional version of the orders introduces many more questions.  For instance, in scenario three, I would think that the groups using the fictional second set of orders would be tempted to only classify the names of the officers and perhaps some of the operational details; groups using the Eisenhower order would want to classify the entire program.
        I often pause here to let students debate whether it is better to be extra-cautious and deferential to national security concerns – the government does have an obligation to protect its citizens, after all – or whether transparency is more important.
       To wrap up the discussion, I suggest that this is an important debate for all citizens to have an opinion about; but the point of this lesson is simply that the classification orders can have a big impact on how classification decisions are made.
       And that is leaving to one-side the institutional pressures that Daniel Ellsberg discussed in his memoir. If you add those pressures to the bias created by the classification standards, students can see how easy it is to over-classify. Imagine working late in the afternoon on a stressful, difficult national security matter – would you prefer to take the risk that disclosing information poses no potential risks? Or would it be easier to stamp it classified, better safe-than-sorry?

 

Exercise 3: Debating the Outcome of the Ellsberg Case

Contents:
Exercise Steps
Questions & Debate
Conclusion

Exercise Steps:

  1.  Review the Overview & Context below for yourself.  
  2. Provide students with Overview & Context.
  3. Either all together or in groups, have students respond to questions and debate this topic.
  4. Connect this topic to the present with the Conclusion and any further discussion.

Context:
        Part of what the Ellsberg case could have done was clarify whether it is illegal to disclose all classified information to the public, or only properly classified information. This is a difficult debate – because you don’t necessarily want any one government employee to decide they know what should and shouldn’t be classified. But it also seems extreme to say that once a document is classified, the public has no right to it, even if it wouldn’t actually pose a harm to national security.
        In the end, the Pentagon Papers case shed no new light on these issues because it was thrown out of court. Richard Nixon had formed a small group in the White House to deal with the problem of “leaks” like Ellsberg’s. One of them told his mother-in-law that he was fixing leaks in the White House, and she said it was nice to have a plumber in the family – the group took the name “the Plumbers” as an in-joke. In an effort to discredit Ellsberg in the press, the Plumbers broke into the office of Ellsberg’s psychiatrist. Later, after the Plumbers had broken into the Watergate hotel during the 1972 election, and the whole Watergate scandal became a national fixation, the break-in at Ellsberg’s psychiatrist also came to light. The judge threw Ellsberg’s prosecution out of court for government misconduct. Ellsberg went free, but the laws of secrecy and leaking were not put to the test.
        The result is that the basic classification scheme continues to operate in much the same fashion as it did in the 1960s. Subsequent presidents have tinkered with these orders – Presidents Carter, Clinton and Obama, for instance, instructed classifiers to err in the direction of under-classification when in doubt; President Reagan urged over-classification when in doubt – but none have required proactive consideration of the public’s right to know.
        Was this a satisfying outcome to the Pentagon Papers affair?  Richard Nixon didn’t think so: “the son-of-a-bitching thief [Ellsberg] is made a national hero and is going to get off on a mistrial. And the New York Times gets a Pulitzer Prize for stealing documents…. what in the name of god have we come to?” [I often put this quote on an overhead].
        Others thought the outcome reflected a balancing act – the government retained some ability to punish leakers, and thus to keep information secret in the interests of national security. But the press had the right to publish, and thus to inform the public. Alexander Bickel, a law professor who represented the New York Times in the Pentagon Papers case, described this as a “game theory” of the First Amendment – a contest between the press and the government over who got to control what information the public learned.
        One problem with this balancing act is that it requires a leaker to risk punishment to inform the press in the first place. Can we trust that people will be motivated to speak out in face of such threats? In 1971, Ellsberg was asked how he felt about facing 115 years in jail for leaking government secrets. “Wouldn’t you go to jail to help end the war?” was his famous response.

Questions & Debate:
Ask students to debate whether this is a healthy state of affairs for a democracy. The following questions could be built out to include more hypotheticals:

  1. Would students be willing to face jail to inform the public?
    1. For what sort of crimes?  To end a war, to stop an abuse of power, to reveal corruption?
    2. Is the risk worth the reward?
      1. What if the paper chooses not to publish?
      2. Do they believe that releasing government documents actually would change public opinion? Or do they think people are so committed to their beliefs that new information wouldn’t change their mind?
  2. Do they trust the judgement of an individual government employee to make the decision about which secrets can be revealed? What if that employee thinks the public has a right to know, but they get this wrong, or inadvertently reveal a vital secret?
    1. Ask students how many Americans they think have security clearances?
      1. In reality, it is more than 4 million. Should each and all of them have the right to make decisions about what should be disclosed?
    2. Does it matter if Ellsberg wasn’t acting alone? In reality, he was working with a group of antiwar activists, who helped him smuggle the documents to the press, and who helped him go underground to avoid arrest. They represented a much broader antiwar movement which was very opposed to the war; Ellsberg was, in many ways, taking his moral cues from this broader social movement. Does that change how you think about his act of moral conscience?
    3. Is it enough that the source takes the secret to a journalist, and asks the journalist to decide if the information is safe to disclose?
      Is that better than simply putting information online?

Conclusion:
During the War on Terror, a number of government insiders have, like Ellsberg, released secret information to the public. Chelsea Manning, Edward Snowden, Terry Albury, Daniel Hale and others have faced Espionage Act charges and have not been able to claim either that the material they released was improperly classified, or that the public had a right to know. Many of them served jail time for their disclosures. The newspapers that published their leaks, meanwhile, did not face any effort to bar them from publication, or to criminally prosecute them. The balancing act created by the Pentagon Papers case lives on.

 

Appendix

(Both items are also available in the pdf download of this teaching guide- see left)

Image of the Pentagon Papers Cover:

Cover of the Pentagon Papers. Reads: Top Secret-Sensitive. United States-Vietnam Relations 1945-1967. Vietnam Task Force. Office of the Secretary of Defense.

Excerpt of Ellsberg Memoir:

        “Even within the executive branch, self-discipline in sharing information—lack of a ”need to tell”—and a capability for dissimilation in the interests of discretion were fundamental requirements for a great many jobs. There was an abundance of people who, like John and me, could and did meet those requirements adequately. The result was an apparatus of secrecy, built on effective procedures, practices, and career incentives, that permitted the president to arrive at and execute a secret foreign policy, to a degree that went far beyond what even relatively informed outsiders, including journalists and members of Congress, could imagine.
       It is a commonplace that “you can’t keep secrets in Washington” or “in a democracy,” that “no matter how sensitive the secret, you’re likely to read it the next day in the New York Times.” These truisms are flatly false. They are in fact cover stories, ways of flattering and misleading journalists and their readers, part of the process of keeping secrets well. Of course eventually many secrets do get out that wouldn’t in a fully totalitarian society. Bureaucratic rivalries, especially over budget shares, lead to leaks. Moreover, to a certain extent the ability to keep a secret for a given amount of time diminishes with the number of people who know it. As secret keepers like to say, “Three people. can keep a secret if two of them are dead.” But the fact is that the overwhelming majority of secrets do not leak to the American public. ...

        This is true even when the information withheld is well known to an enemy and when it is clearly essential to the functioning of the congressional war power and to any democratic control of foreign policy. The reality unknown to the public and to most members of Congress and the press is that secrets that would be of the greatest import to many of them can be kept from them reliably for decades by the executive branch, even though they are known to thousands of insiders.
       As one of those insiders I had no particular objection to this. I shared the universal ethos of the executive branch, at least of my part of it: that for the Congress, the press, and the public to know much about what the president was doing for them, with our help, was at best unnecessary and irrelevant. At worst, it was an encouragement to uninformed (uncleared), short-sighted, and parochial individuals and institutions to intervene in matters that were too complicated for them to understand, and to muck them up. This sounds paternalistic to the point of being antidemocratic, and so it was. (And is: I doubt that this has ever changed.) But we’re talking foreign policy here, and national security matters, in which we didn’t see that people without clearances had any really useful role to play in the nuclear cold war era. It was in the national interest, as we saw it, simply to tell them whatever would best serve to free the president from their interference. ...
        Even when I regarded the administration’s policy as inadequate or misguided, as I often did on nuclear matters, I saw little hope for improvement by Congress, with its committees generally headed by conservative southerners. Once I was inside the government, my awareness of how easily and pervasively Congress, the public, and journalists were fooled and misled contributed to a lack of respect for them and their potential contribution to better policy. That in turn made it easier to accept, to participate in, to keep quiet about practices of secrecy and deception that fooled them further and kept them ignorant of the real issues that were occupying and dividing inside policy makers. Their resulting ignorance made it all the more obvious that they must leave these problems to us.
       There was one more feature of our environment within the executive branch that contributed to a disregard of the opinions or criticisms of outsiders, that made it hard to listen to or learn from them. Perhaps the most startling discovery on entering the government at this level form having been a consultant was the unrelenting pace of the work. I’ve already described the almost inconceivable amount of information and demands for information pressing on you.”

Library of Congress’ Freedom

Annotation

The Freedom site is a creation of the Library of Congress, whose mission is to “engage, inspire, and inform Congress and the American people with a universal and enduring source of knowledge and creativity”. The Freedom site, focused on showing the story of the Black civil rights movement of the 1950s and ‘60s, is based on sources within the Library of Congress’ holdings. To tell this story, starting with Emmett Till and ending with the march to Montgomery, Alabama, is a powerful demonstration of the power of the people. This approach to the site fits into the Library of Congress’ mission to not only educate but also inspire the American people. 

This site was not developed specifically to be used as a classroom resource; however, the primary sources and interviews pulled together for this project can be utilized by teachers for their Civil Rights Movement unit. While the scope of the project does not deal with all the complexities of this period, it does effectively show the user how recent these events were by including taped oral histories. The site’s coverage is also ample for the K-12 classroom and does complement the traditional classroom approach by emphasizing the proximity of the events to the students. 

While there are no interactive components to the site, the images and oral histories are fantastic starting points for conversations within the classroom. The text can be used to guide the conversation for both the teacher and students. One possible activity for older students could be to watch the CBS News Eyewitness clip from 1962 and the account from Dr. William Anderson, then have the students reflect on both within a class discussion. Answering questions such as “What does it show that teenagers are doing this?”, “How do they present themselves?”, “What impression do you get about their character?”, “How are they talking about the movement in the news clip versus Dr. William Anderson and the questions the interviewers want answered?”. These questions are to prompt the students to consider the messaging and crafting of a story during and after such events and how it can shape the bystanders’ perception, both in the moment and afterwards. 

For classroom use, the biggest weakness is the lack of interactive elements. The scope is appropriate for primary education, and the site can start interesting conversations amongst the students and a deeper appreciation for the cost paid during the Civil Rights Movement. A bonus is that the text does not shy away from discussing the racial tensions and harm that drove actions during the 1950s and ‘60s. Teachers might have students compare how these events are covered on the Freedom site versus their textbooks and assess which they think makes the most compelling argument.  

The separation of the Black Civil Rights movement from the others and limiting it to the actions of the 1950s and ‘60s provides flexibility for the teachers to include additional civil rights movements. For example, a teacher can show similar tactics being adopted later by disabled and Queer activists of the 1960s and ‘70s. Connecting the information in the Freedom site to other movements can deepen students’ understanding of how they can exercise their voices as citizens, how communities they may be a part of did so too, and the wider impact of the work done by the Black community during this time.

Free Speech Teaching Guide 2: Brandenburg v. Ohio (1969): Defining and Arguing Hate Speech

Article Body
This Teaching Guide is part of a series. Each of the four total teaching guides speaks to one aspect of the history of free speech. Although they work together to tell different parts of this history, it is not necessary to teach all of the guides or to teach them in a certain order. Each guide is a self-contained lesson.
(A PDF version of this teaching guide is also available for download-see left) 

Other guides in the series:
Free Speech Teaching Guide 1: The Birth of the Modern First Amendment: How Oliver Wendell Holmes Changed His Mind
Free Speech Teaching Guide 3: The Problem of National Security Secrets
Free Speech Teaching Guide 4: Mandel v. Kleindienst (1972): Censorship via Visa

 

newspaper article with photograph of Brandenburg in his KKK robes. Title: "Klan Identity 'Rigged' Says Brandenburg

Recommended for:

  • 11th Grade US History
  • 12th Grade Government
  • Undergraduate History

Table of Contents

Guide Introduction:
This introduction briefly previews the how this guide will cover Brandenburg v. Ohio 1969 and why that case is useful in teaching students about the basic legal principles of free speech in the United States.

Classroom Activities:
Exercise 1: How to read a court case. A structured guide on how to explain the case to students and facilitate classroom conversation. Includes a link to the original case and relevant Constitutional Amendments.
Exercise 2: Thinking about free speech principles, not politics. A full-class group activity on the white board. What makes some forms of speech so "harmful" that they fall outside of the First Amendment's protection?
Exercise 3: What's the harm in hateful speech? An exercise intended to invite and address questions of how violence is defined. It includes questions alongside arguments in favor of either restricting or tolerating speech.

Appendix:
Excerpt of the Supreme Court's 1969 decision in Brandenburg v. Ohio to refer to during the Classroom Activities. The entire source (external) is linked here.

 

Guide Introduction

        This case from the late 1960s, about the right of Ku Klux Klan members to call for racial violence, marks an important turning point in the law of free speech.  The court firmly and finally rejected the notion that one could be punished for publicly advocating for a crime – closing the books on the long period in which left-wing advocacy for revolution had been criminalized.  And it announced a new rule that was very protective of even the right to advocate for crime – a rule that still guides the law today, and that embodies, for many commentators, the essence of modern free speech law.
       The case is therefore a good one to teach to show students the basics of free speech law.  It is also a short decision issued by a unanimous court (rather than being signed by one judge, the decision was issued per curiam, or for the court, normally a sign that it is non-controversial). Leaving out the two concurrences, the decision runs for only about five pages, and its reasoning is fairly straightforward. It thus serves as a useful case to teach students how to read a supreme court decision.

This teaching guide includes:

  1. A structured guide to explaining the case to students
  2. A classroom exercise on the value of tolerating hateful speech
  3. A classroom exercise to think about the harms of hateful speech

Note: there are links throughout this guide to the end of the document where an appendix houses excerpts of the Supreme Court decision and an external link to the entire resource.

 

Classroom Exercise I: How to read a court case

Contents:
Overview
Introduction & Context
Hypotheticals
Final Context & Wrap Up

Overview:
This exercise will introduce students to the Brandenburg case itself and help them begin to grapple with its main debates. It works best as a whole classroom activity, although the reading may be assigned as homework to be reviewed before class. The goal of this lesson is for students to be able to draw connections between Brandenburg and the relevant constitutional amendments, as well as understand the complexity of free speech logic as seen in the case. 

Introduction & Context:
        The place to begin is by having students read the decision and asking them to identify the facts in the case. This can be assigned as homework or conducted as a guided reading in the classroom. In clear prose, the court outlines the essential facts on pp.444-447 of the decision. The key details for students to grasp are that Clarence Brandenburg was a member of the KKK in Ohio, and late in the June of 1964 he was filmed at a meeting of about a dozen Klansmen making racist statements and suggesting that if the U.S. continues to “suppress the white, Caucasian race, it’s possible that there might have to be some revengeance taken.” He then proposed marching on Washington DC on July 4.
       The next question is how Brandenburg was charged.  The court tells us in the opening sentences of its decision – he was convicted under an Ohio Criminal Syndicalism statute for advocating the “duty, necessity or propriety” of crime or violence.  The law dated from 1919, one of a series of state laws – 20, the courts tells us on p.447 – passed during the First Red Scare in an effort to criminalize revolutionary socialist and anarchist parties.
       So what question is the Supreme Court answering in this case? Whether the Ohio Syndicalism law is constitutional, or whether it violates Brandenburg’s First and Fourteenth Amendment rights (p.444). The First Amendment issue is straightforward – he was sentenced to jail and fined for his speech. 
        But you might want to explain the 14th Amendment piece to your students, particularly if it is a more advanced class, or if you have spent time discussing federalism. The First Amendment says only that “Congress shall make no law”– in the 19th century, it was understood that it did not apply to state laws, like the Ohio law in question here, it only applied to the federal government. (To the extent that one wanted to challenge state laws, you had to rely on whatever bills of rights were included in state constitutions.) But beginning in the 1920s, the Supreme Court began to hold that the First Amendment did apply to the states – they did so by ruling that the 14th Amendment’s guarantees of “due process” included the First Amendment right to free speech and free press, and thus that the First Amendment applied to state as well as federal laws. This process is known as incorporation. One needn’t get into this with students unless they are curious – the upshot is that there is no discrete 14th Amendment issue at stake in this case; the 14th Amendment is being cited as a way to activate the free speech issues.
       And what did the Supreme Court rule? In the final paragraph, the court outlines that the law is unconstitutional, because it punishes “mere advocacy.” This, it suggests, is too broad. In the highlighted section on p.447, the Court argues that previous decisions have made clear that you can only bar advocacy of crime if it the speech is “directed to inciting or producing imminent lawless action and is likely to incite or produce such action.”

Find the text of the First Amendment Here

Find the text of the Fourteenth Amendment Here

        This is known as the Brandenburg test, and it still guides the law today. The idea is that if someone is advocating that a crime should be committed, then that should be protected speech unless the crime is likely to be committed right away. Only in that case is it appropriate to criminalize speech to prevent the crime from happening, to treat the speech as causing the crime in some direct sense.  In all other cases, if a crime is committed, we hold the person committing the crime accountable. We give the speaker wide latitude to express their point of view to encourage full expression; and we trust that people are not easily persuaded to commit crimes. Rather than run the risk of repressing politically valuable speech, we trust in the deterrent power of the criminal laws. And we trust, too, that in the interim between the speech and the criminal act, there is plenty of time for individuals to reconsider and there is plenty of time for others to speak out against committing the crime.

Hypotheticals:
To illustrate this point, I use a little sequence of hypotheticals:

  • If I hate a building on campus – I think it is named for someone whose politics I abhor; I find it aesthetically awful; I have some other extreme gripe – and I say it should be torn down, does that meet the standard?
    • Students should see that it doesn’t, and for obvious reasons – it is not directed to inciting lawless action, that action is not imminent, and it is not likely to produce the action. And by calling for destruction in this more abstract way, I am expressing the strength of my political feelings about the building.
  • What if I say someone should dynamite it overnight in a few months, over the school break?
    • That is explicitly directed to a crime, but is neither imminent nor likely, and so doesn’t meet the standard.
  • But what if there is a protest outside the building, I have a megaphone, and I tell the crowd to smash the building right now?
    • Well, if the crowd is angry, and the crime looks likely to happen, and I am explicit that I want the crowd to break the law, I might have a problem. But as students should see, this is a very hard standard to prove, and so the Brandenburg test is very protective of free speech.

At this point, I normally need to clarify that this is about public advocacy for law-breaking. Conspiring to commit a crime is an entirely different matter – we don’t consider it a matter of free speech because it is done privately. There are no communicative benefits to the planning of the crime – there is no risk that we will chill public discussion or critique or the venting of anger – and so the same First Amendment issues do not arise. Conspiring to commit a crime is, of itself, a crime.

Final Context & Wrap Up:
        The final question to explore is how did the court get to this conclusion? It reviewed a series of previous cases in which it had ruled on criminal advocacy cases, and distilled from them its test, which had not previously been stated so plainly. The cases are listed on 447-448, and two things are important to draw out. The first is that there was a case on the books from 1927 – Whitney v. California – in which the law in question was very similar to the Ohio law (they were passed around the same time). In that case, the Supreme Court ruled that it was constitutional to punish a woman – Anita Whitney – for joining an organization – the Communist Party – that advocated revolution.  The decision was part of a long sequence of cases in which the Court had ruled that it was constitutional to criminalize Communist speech. This approach led to McCarthyism and the Second Red Scare. In the Dennis case in 1951, the Supreme Court ruled that it was constitutional to send 11 Communist Party leaders to jail for “conspiring to advocate” revolution – for teaching that revolution is an ultimate end-goal of the Communist movement (a decision that falls far short of the test established in Brandenburg!).
        But, and this is the second piece of context to provide, over the late 1950s and early 1960s, as the fears of the McCarthy period cooled, the Court began to rethink these decisions, and to outline new tests that protected much more speech. These are the cases cited on 447-448, and which form the basis for the test newly elaborated in Brandenburg. And making that the standard required also overturning the Whitney decision from four decades earlier – an example of how the law evolves, and earlier precedent is overturned.
      That explains the internal logic of the case. The remainder of class can be devoted to asking students to work through how they think about this decision. Normally, students find themselves quite uncomfortable with the fact that the Court has ruled in favor of a KKK member, and that it seemed to treat the case as the culmination of its tortured relationship with Communist speech rather than confronting directly the fact that this was a Klansman advocating racial violence.

The following two exercises can be useful for helping students work through these questions. 

Classroom Exercise II: Thinking about free speech principles, not politics

Contents:
Overview
Context & Questions

Overview:
To help students grapple with the complexity of the Brandenburg case, I provide them with information about who his legal team was and what their motivations were for representing him. Included in this exercise is an interview with one of Brandenburg’s lawyers and a series of questions I find useful in prompting student discussion about this complicated topic.

Context & Questions:
        Take students to the top of the case and ask them to identify the lawyers representing Brandenburg. The first lawyer named is Allen Brown – he was a Jewish lawyer for the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). The other lawyers were also civil libertarians, including the fourth name: Eleanor Holmes Norton. Norton worked for the ACLU at the time, and later went on to serve for decades as Washington DC’s congressional representative. These were not, in other words, lawyers who shared Brandenburg’s politics. Here is a short clip of Norton explaining her role in the case:

 

Link to Video: C-SPAN- Supreme Court Landmark Case Brandenburg v. Ohio

 

       I ask students what they think of Norton’s idea that she has a duty to defend the speech of speakers who would not defend her speech? There is no easy answer to this question, which will be deeply personal to individual students – the key is just to let students begin to work through their ideas about the importance of neutrality in speech rights.
      I often pose some additional questions to prompt more discussion. Do students share Norton’s concerns about governments deciding which sorts of speech to prosecute? Do they share her faith that a “free for all” will produce a decent outcome? Do they share her faith that courts will apply neutral principles to protect all speech? Is it smart politics for liberals like the ACLU to defend groups that would not respect their rights? Or is it naïve?

 

Classroom Exercise III: What's the harm in hateful speech?

Contents:
Overview
Toleration Arguments
Restriction Arguments

Overview:
       Students can be surprised to see that nowhere in the Court’s opinion does the court discuss Brandenburg’s speech as hateful or racist speech. As it seeks to assess whether Brandenburg’s speech might cause a harm that would justify punishment, the court focuses exclusively on the harm that the specific violence Brandenburg advocates – “revengeance” after the July 4 march – might actually come to pass. This is because of the Ohio law under which Brandenburg was charged (making it illegal to advocate crime) – and underlining this point can be a useful moment to discuss with students the Supreme Court’s role as an appeals court, limited to hearing the specifics of the cases that come before it.
        But what if there had been a law barring Brandenburg’s speech because it was racist? Many other countries have hate speech laws, which criminalize speech because it is racist or derogatory. The U.S. does not; American free speech law protects the right to say even racist or hateful things.
        The facts of Brandenburg offer an opportunity for students to think through how they feel about this controversial free speech question. As with Exercise II, the goal is not to lead students to a “correct” answer, but to help them understand some of the ways that the arguments have been made, and to begin to develop their own philosophies of free speech.

Toleration Arguments:
         The arguments for tolerating even hateful speech flow from Eleanor Holmes Norton’s perspective on free speech that we looked at in Exercise II; they also flow from the idea of a “marketplace of ideas” that was established in the 1919 Abrams v. United States case, which is dealt with in the Free Speech Teaching Guide 1 In short, they are that that any standards that could be established will be vague and open to abuse, that there is much risk in allowing governments to pick and choose which speech to censor, and that there are benefits to society for allowing the airing out of controversial ideas – where they can be critiqued, rebutted, and, where necessary, debated – rather than driving them underground, where they may gain the mystique of “secret knowledge.”
       The arguments against tolerating such speech require identifying harms that would be sufficient to justify censorship. In Brandenburg, the Court measured the likelihood that Brandenburg’s speech would cause the sort of mob violence on July 4 that he called for; the court found that such an outcome was not sufficiently imminent, likely, and explicit to punish the speech. But that is not the only harm one could imagine wanting to regulate.
Next, I provide two important examples of such arguments for restricting racist speech to avoid different types of harm.

Restriction Arguments:
       An argument could be made that racist speech can lead to crimes in a more general sense, by heightening racial animosity, and degrading the status of some members of the community so much that they seem legitimate targets for violence. Brandenburg was decided in 1969, but the case began with Brandenburg’s speech 1964 at a time when the conflict over civil rights was causing very real political violence: in the September before Brandenburg’s speech, for instance, a splinter group of the Ku Klux Klan bombed the 16th Street church in Alabama, killing four Black girls. One obviously cannot hold Brandenburg himself accountable for these crimes – they happened before his speech – but do students think that censoring hateful, violent speech like his would make such crimes less likely? And what about the risks of such censorship? And is it sufficient that bombing is outlawed?
       The second argument, as made by philosopher Jeremy Waldron, argues that the harm of hate speech is not that it will lead to crime, but that hateful speech is, of itself, an attack on the dignity of particular groups of people and denies them of full inclusion in the political community. Whether or not this sort of speech leads to a crime, Waldron suggests, this is itself harmful enough to justify censorship. After all, it is illegal to defame individual people under U.S. law – though in the case of individual libel charges there are complex rules intended to balance this principle with the First Amendment; and any similar group defamation law would need to be similarly complex. But one can ask students whether the sorts of statements Brandenburg made in the footnote on p.446 are sufficiently harmful to the respect and status of members of the community that they fall outside the protections of the First Amendment. 
       In Brandenburg, the court did not consider these issues. But thinking about the case in these contexts helps students better understand the stakes of the free speech questions involved and also helps them think about how the court identifies the harms it analyzes in its decisions.

 

Appendix

Available in the PDF version of this guide, downloadable on the left of this page. 

 

 

Free Speech Teaching Guide 4: Mandel v. Kleindienst (1972): Censorship via Visa

Article Body
This Teaching Guide is part of a series. Each of the four total teaching guides speaks to one aspect of the history of free speech. Although they work together to tell different parts of this history, it is not necessary to teach all of the guides or to teach them in a certain order. Each guide is a self-contained lesson.
(A PDF version of this teaching guide is also available for download-see left) 

Other guides in the series:
Free Speech Teaching Guide 1: The Birth of the Modern First Amendment: How Oliver Wendell Holmes Changed His Mind
Free Speech Teaching Guide 2: Brandenburg v. Ohio (1969): Defining and Arguing Hate Speech 
Free Speech Teaching Guide 3: The Problem of National Security Secrets

"Male Immigrants at Ellis Island." A man stands in line waiting while another man who works at Ellis Island handles his paperwork.

"Male Immigrants at Ellis Island," Library of Congress


Recommended for:

  • 11th Grade US History
  • 12th Grade US History
  • Undergraduate History

Table of Contents

Guide Introduction:
This introduction briefly previews the topics included in this guide that spans the twentieth century and ends with a 1972 Supreme Court Case.

Classroom Activities
Exercise 1: "The unrestricted dumping-ground" (1903). A guided analysis of a 1903 political cartoon with annotations and questions. Why was immigration a heated debate in the early twentieth century?
Exercise 2: Who gets a Visa? A close reading of an excerpted 1984 article with guiding questions, notes, and class discussion options. Why deny visas?
Optional Exercise: Visa Waivers. Ask students to consider the more complicated reality of the visa law. How did waivers work and did they undermine political exclusion?

Framing Essay
Scholarly Context: How do visa laws and the First Amendment connect? An introduction to the Mandel Supreme Court case.
Annotated Decision: Notes on the Mandel SCOTUS decision for context or to help guide a close reading.
Key Takeaways: Concluding connections between immigration law and free speech law and prompts for class discussion.

 

Guide Introduction

        Throughout the 20th century, the U.S. government has denied visas to individuals because of their politics: anarchists in the early 20th century, communists in the Cold War, those it deemed advocates of terrorism in the 1990s and early 2000s. In the first half of 2025, the Second Trump Administration began seeking to deny visas to students and others engaged in pro-Palestinian advocacy during the war in Gaza.
        To be denied a visa means either that you can’t enter the country, or that you can be deported. Governments claim that this use of the visa regulations is simply a part of their control over immigration policy – they have a right to determine who can enter the country. Critics and civil liberties activists argue that it is a form of censorship, one that should be barred by the First Amendment. The relationship between visa laws and free speech was most closely examined in a 1972 case Mandel v. Kleindeinst. The case is also significant because it focused on a neglected aspect of the right to free speech – not the rights of the speakers to say what they want, but the rights of listeners and audiences to hear what they want.
        This guide traces the history of ideological visa denial to explore the intersection between immigration law and the right to free speech. It includes:

  1.  An overview of the history of visa denial in early 20th century, which allows students to assess historical fears of radical immigrants through the close reading of a political cartoon.
  2. A discussion of the denial of visas to communists and alleged radicals in the Cold War, through a classroom exercise and discussion of an excerpted newspaper article.
  3. An assessment of the role of the First Amendment in challenging visa restrictions through a close reading of a Supreme Court decision in 1972.

 

Classroom Exercise I: "the unrestricted dumping-ground" (1903)

Contents:
Overview
Annotated Cartoon
Questions for Students & Extended Context

Overview:
       The first efforts to exclude radicals from the United States came in 1903, when Congress passed a law barring anarchists from entering the country. This was a response to the assassination of President McKinley in 1901, which played into widespread anxieties that radical ideologies and crime were being brought to the country by immigrants. This 1903 cartoon captures the mood. The following pages include my annotations, as well as questions I use.

  1. Have students examine the cartoon individually or in groups.
  2. Invite students to share what they notice and ask more specific questions to guide conversation. This should mimic a close reading.
Political cartoon of uncle sam standing at a dock watching a shipping container dumping out immigrants who are depicted as animalistic. The ghost of president mckinley looks down on them

For the Printable Image See: linked source

Leon Czolgosz mugshot

Image Source Here

Annotations:

  • McKinley assassination
    • McKinley (or McKinley’s ghost) is depicted in the top-left.
    • Leon Czolgosz, the gunman, was born in Detroit, but was the child of immigrants.
    • The cartoon, however, suggests the threat of anarchism is coming from immigrants, a widespread assumption at the time. “There is no such thing as an American anarchist,” said one newspaper column.
  • Both the container label “direct from the slums of Europe daily” and the title of the cartoon advocate for immigration restriction.
  • Depiction of Immigrants
    • McKinley and Uncle Sam are depicted as white, compared to the darker-skinned immigrants. At the time, most concern was about immigration from the south and east of Europe – groups that would later be considered white, but which were then treated as distinct races.
    • Immigrants are drawn to be animalistic, communicating an idea that they were less human and more threatening than white Americans.
  • Politics & crime:
    • Three migrants at the bottom are labeled “socialist,” “anarchist,” and “mafia,” associating socialists and anarchists with crime. The socialist carries a gun labelled “murder;” the anarchist a knife labelled “assassination,” further associating these political ideologies with violence.
    • There were radical leftists committed to political violence at the time. One wing of the anarchist movement, for instance, engaged in what it called “propaganda by the deed” – symbolic acts of political violence. Between 1880 and 1910, anarchists assassinated heads of state in Austria, Italy, Greece, France, Spain, Russia (twice), and Portugal – as well as McKinley in the U.S.
    • While many radical leftists rejected political violence, this cartoon suggests they were all criminals.

By the early Cold War, the bar on anarchists entering the country remained, and had been expanded to include Communists and advocates of communist revolution. The visa had also become a more powerful bureaucratic instrument. During World War I, for the first time the U.S. began requiring all visitors to the U.S. to receive a visa, which allowed a new degree of oversight and examination of applicants. A new Visa Division was created in the State Department to do this work.

Questions for Students:

  1. How are immigrants depicted?
  2. What is this cartoon arguing?
  3. Would immigration restriction be a useful remedy to the problems revealed by McKinley’s Assassination? What would have to be true for it to be effective for this purpose? What other remedies might be available?

 

Classroom Exercise II: Who gets a Visa?

Contents:
Overview
Excerpted Newspaper Article
Guiding Questions, Notes, & Class Discussion

Overview:
       A close reading of a later news article brings the topic of immigration and citizenship closer to the modern day for students. This exercise is centered around an excerpted 1984 newspaper article that discusses some individuals who were denied visas as well as efforts to reform the law. The article, like the cartoon in exercise 1, thus reveals some of the political dynamics involved.
        The next page includes some reading questions (as well as additional notes I might add), followed by a question for in-class discussion.

Excerpted Newspaper Article:
Kristin Helmore, “Would William Shakespeare get a Visa?” Christian Science Monitor, May 30, 1984.
       WALK into any bookstore in the United States and the works of Nobel Prize-winners Gabriel Garcia Marquez of Colombia and Pablo Neruda of Chile will be easily available. Anyone who wants to can buy Mexican novelist Carlos Fuentes's works or those of Italian writers Alberto Moravia and Dario Fo. And the titles of books by English novelist Graham Greene are almost household words in this country. Yet each of these acclaimed writers, and many others as well, has on at least one occasion been denied an entry visa to visit the United States.
        The law responsible for this policy is a section of the McCarran-Walter Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, which some people would like to change. A bill has been introduced in Congress to do just that.
        ''Section 28,'' as it is called, empowers consular officials to refuse non-immigrant visas to foreigners who are or have been members of ''communist'' or ''anarchist'' organizations, as well as those who merely ''write, publish . . . circulate, display, or distribute . . . any written or printed matter advocating or teaching opposition to all organized government.'...
       The exclusion of writers from the US on ideological grounds can take place for a number of specific reasons. According to data collected by PEN, an international association of writers with offices in 55 countries, Gabriel Garcia Marquez was denied entry to the US from 1963 to '71 because of his affiliation with the leftist news agency La Prensa. Since that time, he has been granted entry only on presentation of a formal letter inviting him to a specific event. Last month, Mr. Garcia Marquez was denied entry into the US to speak at a meeting in New York on US policies in Latin America. Finally, in late April, he was granted a multiple-entry visa for one year.
        Pablo Neruda, the late Chilean poet and diplomat, was denied entry on the basis of his membership in the Chilean Communist Party. This ruling was waived on two occasions, in 1966 and '72, as a result of petitions put forward by PEN. ...
       Since 1961, Carlos Fuentes, the Mexican author and politician (who virtually grew up in Washington where his father was Mexican ambassador), has either been denied a visa to the US or issued restricted visas, even though he has been invited on numerous occasions to make public appearances under the auspices of respected institutions. He has received an honorary degree from Harvard University and was recently a visiting scholar at Princeton University. ...
        ''It's a scandal and a hateful thing for a democracy to perpetuate this kind of exclusionary policy,'' [novelist William] Styron said. ''It allows the United States to be branded as a bigoted nation filled with hysteria about communism.'
        Both Arthur Miller and John Irving raised the specter of McCarthyism. ''I doubt strongly that this law could have been passed before 1952, the wildest time of McCarthyism . . . but it's hung on the books because most people aren't aware of it,'' Mr. Miller said.
        ''I hope it's clear that we would improve our national character by ridding ourselves of these vestiges of McCarthyism which shame us today,'' Mr. Irving said.
        Carolyn Forche remarked, ''I am puzzled as to why my government is afraid of a free exchange of ideas. I would hope that my country and its institutions are strong enough to endure freedom of expression.' ...
        Support for the existing law was recently expressed on ABC's ''Nightline'' by Roy Cohn, counsel in the early 1950s to the Senate's Permanent Investigations Subcommittee headed by the late Joseph R. McCarthy: ''This law is aimed at people who present a threat to national security. Under various circumstances they should not be let in. They have access to courts where their visa denial can be overruled.' ….
        Opposition to Section 28 of the McCarran-Walter Act has a long history. In 1952, President Harry S. Truman vetoed the act, remarking, ''Seldom has a bill exhibited the distrust evidenced here for aliens and citizens alike.'
        Congress overrode Mr. Truman's veto."

Guiding Questions, Notes & Class Discussion:

  1. Who are some individuals who have been denied visas?
    1. Besides those named in the article, some famous individuals (though perhaps not famous to students today) include Charlie Chaplin, Pablo Picasso, Dorris Lessing, Nazim Hikmet, Czeslaw Milosz, C.L.R. James.
  2. What law was used to deny their visas?
    1. The 1952 Immigration and Nationality Act consolidated all previous immigration laws – including the Anarchist Exclusion Act of 1903 and an Internal Security Act of 1950.
    2. It was passed over Truman’s veto – a place to discuss the veto power with students if you think appropriate.
  3. Why do civil liberties groups want to reform the law?
    1. Beyond discussions of the impact of the law on the individuals involved, I make sure to draw student attention to William Styron’s argument that the law makes America look bigoted and intolerant.
  4. Why does Roy Cohn say we need such a law?
    1. How does this perspective complicate or affirm students’ thoughts on this debate?

 

Class Discussion:

  • Do students think denying visas under this law is a good or a bad thing?
  • Do they agree that there are national security grounds under which someone should be denied entry to the country? Do those grounds extend to political beliefs?
    • If you have used the other Free Speech Teaching Guides that cover Schenk v. US and Brandenburg v. Ohio, this is an opportunity to discuss what "harm" the law is intended to prevent.

 

Optional Exercise: Visa Waivers

        The visa law had a waiver process. If you were denied a visa because you were a member of a communist party, the Attorney-General could issue a “waiver” – letting you into the country just this time.

If students are opposed to the law, you can ask them if this waiver process is enough to satisfy them?

        There was some dispute over how frequently this process was delayed, and how many waivers were granted. But many were granted waivers. However, an additional concern was that the Attorney-General could attach conditions to the waiver – saying visitors could not travel to certain areas, or engage in certain types of activities. (we will see an example of these conditions in the Mandel case).

 

Framing Essay

Scholarly Context:
       How did these visa laws intersect with the First Amendment? They are clearly a form of punishment for political speech. As early as 1903, an anarchist being deported under the anarchist exclusion law claimed that his First Amendment rights were being violated. The Supreme Court ruled that foreigners could not claim First Amendment rights to stay in the country. As we discussed in the guide, Schenk v. U.S. (1919): The Birth of the Modern First Amendment, this was typical of the narrow way that the Supreme Court protected First Amendment rights before the mid-twentieth century. And in 1945, in a case concerning an attempt to deport an Australian labor leader, the Supreme Court said that noncitizens in the U.S. have the same First Amendment rights as citizens. Of course, in the early 1950s, American citizens didn’t have the right to advocate for Communism, and so many communists were deported in the McCarthy period, just as many Americans citizens were jailed. Today, the standards would be different.

Find the text of the First Amendment Here

       But what about the rights of the foreigner to enter the country? Here, courts have rejected the notion that foreigners can claim a First Amendment right to come into the U.S. if the U.S. has a law that would exclude them. The Supreme Court has ruled that the right to determine who can and can’t enter the country is what it calls the “Plenary Power” – part of what it means to be a government of a nation-state is the right to choose who can enter the country, and no court can interfere with those decisions.
        That has meant that foreigners can’t claim a First Amendment right to enter the country (they can claim such a right if they are being deported after entering, though the law is complex in this area.) But in the late 1960s, a group of university professors tried a different strategy to challenge the visa laws. They had invited Ernest Mandel, a Belgian Marxist theorist, to come to their campuses to give talks and engage in debates. Mandel was denied a visa because he advocated world communism.

Note (if you discussed the waiver program earlier):
       Mandel had been given waivers to enter the country in 1962 and 1968. But in 1969 he was denied a waiver. This was because 1) in 1968 he spoke at more universities than his waiver granted, and 2) after one of these talks, students auctioned posters to send money to French protestors – which violated a condition attached to Mandel’s waiver that he not speak at events where funds were raised for political causes. Mandel had not been told that these conditions were attached to his waiver. This can be a place to return to your discussion of the waiver program, to see if these details change or reinforce students’ earlier attitudes.

Annotated Decision:
       Mandel, as a foreigner, couldn’t claim his First Amendment rights were violated by his exclusion from the country. But the university professors argued that their rights were violated by his exclusion from the country – they wanted to listen to him, to talk to him, to meet with him. A lower court agreed with them, ruling that Mandel’s exclusion violated the First Amendment. The government appealed to the Supreme Court, which ruled 6-3 that Mandel’s exclusion was constitutional. Here’s what the Supreme Court said, along with some notes I use to teach the decision:

The decision text:
"The case…comes down to the narrow issue whether the First Amendment confers upon the appellee professors, because they wish to hear, speak, and debate with Mandel in person, the ability to determine that Mandel should be permitted to enter the country or, in other words, to compel the Attorney General to allow Mandel's admission. ….
The Government also suggests that the First Amendment is inapplicable because appellees have free access to Mandel's ideas through his books and speeches, and because 'technological developments,' such as tapes or telephone hook-ups, readily supplant his physical presence. This argument overlooks what may be particular qualities inherent in sustained, face-to-face debate, discussion and questioning. While alternative means of access to Mandel's ideas might be a relevant factor were we called upon to balance First Amendment rights against governmental regulatory interests—a balance we find unnecessary here in light of the discussion that follows in Part V—we are loath to hold on this record that existence of other alternatives extinguishes altogether any constitutional interest on the part of the appellees in this particular form of access."
Recognition that First Amendment rights are implicated, however, is not dispositive of our inquiry here. In accord with ancient principles of the international law of nation-states, the Court in The Chinese Exclusion Case 1889, and in Fong Yue Ting v. United States (1893), held broadly…that the power to exclude aliens is 'inherent in sovereignty, necessary for maintaining normal international relations and defending the country against foreign encroachments and dangers—a power to be exercised exclusively by the political branches of government.' ...

In summary, plenary congressional power to make policies and rules for exclusion of aliens has long been firmly established. In the case of an alien excludable under § 212(a)(28), Congress has delegated conditional exercise of this power to the Executive. We hold that when the Executive exercises this power negatively on the basis of a facially legitimate and bona fide reason, the courts will neither look behind the exercise of that discretion, nor test it by balancing its justification against the First Amendment interests of those who seek personal communication with the applicant. What First Amendment or other grounds may be available for attacking exercise of discretion for which no justification whatsoever is advanced is a question we neither address or decide in this case.

Annotations:

  • ["This argument overlooks what may be particular qualities inherent in sustained, face-to-face debate, discussion and questioning."]
    • The Government was claiming that the professors could speak to Mandel just as easily by telephone, and so his presence was not necessary. The court is skeptical of this claim.
      • In the era of zoom, do students think there is any benefit to in-person conversation? or is online discussion good enough?
  • ["Recognition that First Amendment rights are implicated..."]
    • The Supreme Court concedes here that there is a First Amendment right to hear Mandel. There are a number of other cases in the period which emphasize that the right to speak matters not for the speaker, but for the audience - that the First Amendment is important for its role in preserving a broader culture of debate and exchange.
    • Many students will think only about the rights of the speaker, so this is an important place to slow down and demonstrate how many more rights are involved.
  • ["The Chinese Exclusion Case 1889, and in Fong Yue Ting v. United States (1893)..."]
    • These are important late nineteenth century cases which established the Plenary Power. Congress passed the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882, barring Chinese entry to the country. In these legal cases, courts said that they could not overrule political decisions made by Congress as to who could enter the country.
  • ["facially legitimate and bona fide reason..."]
    • This is a very deferential standard. In other first amendment cases, the Supreme Court has carefully scrutinized the government's rationale for a law, to make sure it isn't a cover for political discrimination. But here, the court says explicitly that if the government offers a justification that seems reasonable, the courts will not look any closer, or consider the First Amendment.
    • In dissent, Justice Marshall was very critical of this approach:
      • "I do not understand the source of this unusual standard. Merely 'legitimate' governmental interests cannot override constitutional rights. Moreover, the majority demands only 'facial' legitimacy and good faith, by which it means that this Court will never 'look behind' any reason the Attorney General gives. No citation is given for this kind of unprecedented deference to the Executive nor can I imagine (nor am I told) the slightest justification for such a rule."
  • ["What First Amendment or other grounds may be available for attacking exercise of..."]
    • This is an ambiguous final sentence, which can be used to help students understand the difficulty in working out how much precedent a given case is setting.
    • This sentence seems to leave open the possibility that there are some instances of visa denial which would raise First Amendment concerns - those in "which no justification whatsoever is advanced." But under what circumstances would a justification fail to be "facially legitimate and bona fide"?
    • The Court has never revisited the visa denial process, so the meaning of these sentences remains unresolved.

Key Takeaways:

  • Visa denial is at the crossroads of two discrete fields of the law: immigration law and free speech law.
    • In immigration law, courts have been very deferential to the power of the government to decide who can enter the country; in free speech law, courts have been very skeptical of government claims that it needs to regulate debate and discussion.

Do students think cases like Mandel’s – or more recent cases, if there have been some in the news – are better treated as First Amendment or immigration cases? Or do they think that these two areas of the law should be combined?

  • This can be an interesting place to leave the class discussion – asking students both to consider their own values in this complex area, and also to show them how the answers to legal questions are often shaped by the ways that courts and lawyers sort them into different doctrinal domains.

Incorporating 20th Century US Environmental History in the 6-12 Classroom

Article Body

Introduction: How to Use this Guide

Organization

  • Sources are sorted into four thematic sections, arranged chronologically.
  • Each section begins with an overview and index of sources.
  • Primary sources are curated alongside questions, videos, and podcasts to help contextualize each source.

Links

  • Many sources are linked to their hosting websites (external to this site).

 

Environmentalism in the Progressive Era & WWI (c. 1890-1920)

Overview

The primary source documents and videos in this section illustrate the growing environmental ethos evident in the early twentieth century, from the Progressive Era through Wold War I.

The Progressive Era, spanning roughly from 1890-1920, can be understood as a period of reform movements formed in response to rapid industrialization, urbanization, and commercialization. Among these reform movements were two early environmental movements known as preservationism and conservationism. Preservationists believed that natural landscapes should be left exactly as they were, and conservationists sought to maintain natural resources in order for them to be best used and enjoyed. John Muir was known as the most prominent preservationist, whereas Gifford Pinchot was known as the most prominent conservationist.

This growing environmental ethos continued into World War I, as Americans conserved and rationed resources in order to support the war effort. Through their participation in garden clubs and local victory gardens, American women and children on the home front used agricultural practices to support soldiers abroad.

The sources in this section exemplify the many perspectives among Americans fostering connections to the environment in the early twentieth century.

Sources

  • Essay: Gifford Pinchot, 1890 (Excerpt) 
    • 6-12 Video: Mira Lloyd Dock: A Beautiful Crusade
  • Legislative Summary of the Bill to Establish the National Park Service, 1916
    • 6-12 Video: Brigadier General Charles Young
  • “Everybody Plant a Garden,” Richmond Times-Dispatch, April 22, 1917
  • “Yule Exhibits in Portsmouth,” Virginian-Pilot, December 11, 1941
  • Will you have a part in Victory? 1918 Poster
  • The Gardens of Victory, Poster
    • Victory Gardens Video

 

Excerpt: Gifford Pincho Essay, 1890

Link: https://dp.la/primary-source-sets/environmental-preservation-in-the-progressive-era/sources/919


Excerpt from essay on pg 327

Background:

  • Gifford Pinchot (1865-1946) was known as the “father of American forestry.”
  • He was an influential Progressive Era conservationist who advocated for the protection of natural resources in the United States.
  • This 1908 Essay discusses issues of deforestation, the over-extraction of coal and other minerals, and the negative effects of monopolies on natural resources.
  • Pinchot calls for a “New Point of View” regarding the environment, and he appeals to doing so for future generations and the United States as a nation.

Discussion Questions: 

  • Which natural resources do you think Pinchot is referring to?
  • What might Pinchot mean by a “critical point” in history?
  • In what ways might this relate to industrialization?

Extension Video:

Mira Lloyd Dock: A Beautiful Crusade (Link to Web)

Annotation/Discussion Questions:

  • How might Dock’s experiences growing up in an industrializing city influenced her career trajectory?
  • What were some of the environmental hazards
    Harrisburg faced due to industrialization?
  • What were some of the argument Dock made for cleaning up Harrisburg? How might her trip to Europe have influenced her arguments?
  • How might public parks have helped industrializing cities?
  • How might Harrisburg’s city beautiful movement have influenced movements in other cities, as well as city parks in our own time?

 

1916 Congressional bill to establish the National Park Service & NPS Video

Link: https://dp.la/primary-source-sets/environmental-preservation-in-the-progressive-era/sources/913

1916 Congressional bill to establish the NPS

Background:

  • President Woodrow Wilson established the NPS
    into law through the 1916 “Organic Act.”
  • Congress proposed a bill to establish the NPS in response to the growing national ethos toward conservation coming out of the Progressive Era.
  • This Congressional report summarizes the bill,
    highlighting the utility behind the creation of the
    NPS under the Secretary of the Interior.

Annotation/Discussion Questions:

  • In the first paragraph, the report summarizes the main purposes behind the foundation
    of the National Park Service. What are they?
  • Which department will manage the NPS? Why do you think Progressive Era Americans wanted the federal government to oversee parks? How might this fit into broader Progressive Era reforms?
  • How does Congress distinguish the difference between the National Parks and the National Forests?

Extension Video:

Brigadier General Charles Young Link: https://home.nps.gov/seki/learn/historyculture/young.htm

Background:

  • First Black National Park Super Intendant of Sequoia National Park
  • Prolific military career despite segregation of US armed forces

Link to Supplementary Lesson Plan, NPS: https://home.nps.gov/articles/000/-h-our-history-lesson-fit-for-service-colonel-charles-young-s-protest-ride.htm

 

"Everybody Plant a Garden," Richmond Times-Dispatch, April 22, 1917

Everybody Plant a Garden Newspaper article

 

Annotation:

  • As a newspaper, this was intended for a wide audience and was published just weeks after the US declared war on Germany during WWI. Victory Gardens were encouraged as a way to help with food shortages and rations during the war. Gardening also gave people something to do and a way to participate that would ease anxieties about the war, food, and the threat of inflation.
  • While Garden Clubs were primarily run by women, men and children were also encouraged to join so the whole family could be involved.
  • War took millions of men away from their jobs which included agriculture and transportation. Imports of goods from other countries including fertilizer also slowed or stopped. With decreased home grown food and decreased imports of foreign food, shortages occurred  which caused increased prices and hoarding.
  • The bank invested in the Garden Club in support of the war effort and the local economy.

Discussion Questions:

  • Why might the Bank sponsor a Garden Club? For what reasons might the government have encouraged victory gardens?
  • What benefits do you think victory gardens provided?
  • What do you need to start a Victory Garden? Can everyone do it? (knowledge, tools)

 

"Yule Exhibits in Portsmouth," Virginian-Pilot, December 11, 1941

Yule Exhibits in Portsmouth Newspaper Article

Annotation:

  • As a newspaper, this was intended for a wide public audience. The date reveals that this Yule Exhibit was held the weekend after the attack on Pearl Harbor.
  • A Federation of Garden Clubs through the County indicates that Garden club work was important to the government. Even on the local level, there was institutional support of the war effort.
  • This exhibit attempted to make conservation interesting
    to a wide audience by connecting it to Christmas, and
    hoped to encourage families to reduce waste and decorate using recycled materials at home. Reducing
    waste was important during war time when money and
    resources were scarce.
  • All of the club’s leaders were women which shows that
    conservation was seen as a “women’s activity.” Garden
    Clubs provided women leadership opportunities. Also note that they were all listed by their husbands’ names.
  • Garden Clubs were often made exclusive to only wealthy
    white women. This article shows that in spite of
    segregation, Black women organized their own Garden
    Clubs and advocated for conservation.

Extension Videos:

Smithsonian Gardens: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TtrlcLslK5w

Discussion Questions:

  • How might Garden Clubs connect to politics?
  • Why was gardening an “acceptable” way for women to become activists and professionals?
  • What were gender roles of the time? How did this work stay within or reject them?

 

Will you have a part in Victory? 1918

Link: https://www.loc.gov/item/2002712327/

Will you have a part in victory? painting of woman dressed in american flag tossing seeds into a field.

Annotation:

  • This was published by the National War Garden Commission, a temporary department created to encourage gardening during WWI.
  • Dressed in the American flag, this woman, beautiful and innocent looking, represents the country. She appears delicate and yet powerful, but ultimately worthy of
    protection. She walks with a purpose and sows seeds that presumably will allow the nation to win the war. This imagery is often used for America or American ideals (think Statue of Liberty). The image conjures an emotional attachment to the nation, but also inspires women to join her in the garden or farm fields.
  • “Every Garden a Munition Plant” communicates that growing food is just as important as manufacturing guns and ammunition.

Discussion Questions:

  • How is this similar to or different
    from other propaganda images?
  • Why might America be depicted in
    this way? Where have we seen
    something similar?
  • Why do you think the painting/image
    was made to look this way?
  • Who is the audience for this image?

 

The Gardens of Victory

Gardens of Victory Video

Link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uBg1ND5X3tA

poster showing a family working in a garden with a basket full of vegetables they grew

Annotation:

  • This film was made by the United States Office of Civil Defense. It shows the wartime need for vegetable gardens. It advertises that people can get instructions from the government on how to plant a successful garden. The film also says that people benefit from being in the sun and feeling involved in the war effort.
  • In both of these sources, every member of the family is shown participating in the garden. The poster is not just focused on a wife or mother, in fact she is in the back. This family also does not appear to be wealthy which suggests Victory Gardening is for everyone.
  • “Our food is fighting,” is similar to the WWI Poster that said “Every Garden, a Munitions Plant.” Food is seen as just important as military material and action.

Discussion Questions:

  • Do you think this video would have been helpful to people? Why?
  • What are some of the benefits victory gardens provided?
  • How is this poster similar to or different from other propaganda images?
  • Do you see any similarities or differences between these sources and victory garden material from WWI?

 

The Great Depression & The New Deal (c.1929-1945)

Overview

The sources in this section chronicle the environmental aspects of the Great Depression and the New Deal. This period can be studied for both its environmental disaster and federal initiatives toward conservation and reforestation.

In the early 1930s, as the Great Depression wreaked havoc on the economy, the Dust Bowl hit in the Great Plains and the eastern US. The Dust Bowl became known as the largest human caused environmental disaster in US history and is largely attributed to the poor use of agricultural lands as well that were intensified by a long drought in the region. The disaster would lead to mass migration from the Great Plains to Wester states, including California. Primary source photographs, an interview, and a PBS video illustrate the toll the Dust Bowl had on the environment and the people living there.

President Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal ushered in a series of federally funded programs to alleviate financial burdens of the Great Depression, while also focusing on environmental projects. Notably, the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) employed young men to work on conservation initiatives and reforestation projects. Their work would benefit the National Park Service, as well as State Parks around the country.

Sources

  • The Dust Bowl & The Great Depression
    • Photo: Arthur Rothstein, “Abandoned farm in the dust bowl area, Oklahoma,” April 1936, Farm Security Administration.
    • Photo: Dorothea Lange, “Migrant Mother: Birth of an Icon,” Nipomo, 1936.
    • Video: A Man-Made Ecological Disaster
    • Interview with Flora Robertson, 1940
  • Civilian Conservation Corps & the New Deal
    • Video: Zion National Park Ranger Minute
    • NPS, Civilian Conservation Corps Article
    • Video: Civilian Conservation Corps | Oregon Experience, Oregon Public Broadcasting

 

The Dust Bowl and the Great Depression

“Abandoned farm in the dust bowl area, Oklahoma. ” Photographed by Arthur Rothstein of the Farm Security Administration April 1936, Library of Congress.
“Abandoned farm in the dust bowl area, Oklahoma.”
Photographed by Arthur Rothstein of the Farm Security Administration April 1936, Library of Congress.
Dorothea Lange, “Migrant Mother: Birth of an Icon,” Nipomo, 1936, Oakland Museum of California.
Dorothea Lange,“Migrant Mother: Birth of an Icon,” Nipomo, 1936, Oakland Museum of California.

Background:

  • In the early 1930s, extreme drought hit the Great Plains. For decades, farmers in the region had been over-plowing and depleting the soil through a lack of crop rotation.
  • The drought, combined with high winds, caused massive
    dust storms that blew across the plains, further stripping topsoil.
  • Along with environmental damage, the Dust Bowl caused
    further economic hardship and health issues.
  • The Dust Bowl would also cause a mass migration of
    farmers out of states like Oklahoma, Texas, and Arkansas
    and to California as they searched for better opportunities.

Discussion Questions:

  • Describe what you see in the photo.
  • Read the caption:
    • Who took this photo and when?
    • Where is this located?
    • Why do you think this photo was taken?
    • Why might this photo have historical significance?
  • Taken together, how do these two photographs provide different perspectives of the Dust Bowl and the Great Depression (eg. environmental, migration, childhood)

Extension Videos:

A Man-Made Ecological Disaster

Link: https://www.pbslearningmedia.org/resource/ecological-disaster-ken-burns-dust-bowl/ken-burns-the-dust-bowl/

Interview with Flora Robertson, 1940

Link: https://history.iowa.gov/history/education/educator-resources/primary-source-sets/dust-bowl/interview-flora-robertson-about

Discussion Questions:

  • When was this interview recorded and where is Flora located?
  • How did Flora take to protect her from the dust storms?
  • Why might Flora have waited to move to California?
  • How does a personal account of the Dust Bowl add to your understanding of what happened?

 

Segregation and Jim Crow in the Environment

Overview

In the early twentieth century, Jim Crow segregation relegated Black Americans to separate and often unequal environmental spaces. In spite of this, Black Americans had robust relationships to the environment through recreation, and commercial or personal ownership.

The sources in this section highlight the specific ways outdoor spaces were segregated through law and social custom. The sources also reveal how Black Americans maintained connection to the outdoors despite the segregation they actively fought, creating spaces of joy and environmental connection for their communities. By exploring these not so distant stories, students will also be able to consider what effects of environmental segregation and racism are still present today.

Sources

  • Ownership and Segregation of Beaches
    • Photo: “YWCA camp for girls. Highland Beach, Maryland,”
      1930, Scurlock Studio Records, Box 41, Archives Center,
      Smithsonian National Museum of American History.
    • Newspaper: “Police on Guard at Wade-In,” Chicago Tribune, July 9, 1961
    • Video: “Five Minute Histories: Carr’s Beach,” Baltimore Heritage, August 25, 2023.
  • “African Americans and the Great Outdoors,” National Park Service, Digital Project and Map

Ownership and Segregation of Beaches

YWCA camp for girls. Highland Beach, Maryland, 1930, Smithsonian National Museum of American History.
YWCA camp for girls. Highland Beach, Maryland, 1930,
Smithsonian National Museum of American History. https://sova.si.edu/search/ark:/65665/ep80096b07bf0a64bfb9fd5ec70b4dd9cc6


Annotation:

  • Incorporated in 1922, Highland Beach was the first African American municipality in Maryland. It was also the first African American Summer Resort in the Country.
  • Many very wealthy African Americans including Mary Church Terrell and Charles Douglass.
  • In the late 1800s and early 1900s, most beaches and coastal properties were owned by Black people, particularly formerly enslaved folks and their descendants because the weather and sandy soil made the land less valuable. In the 20th century, predatory white land developers started trying to take these properties and monetize them as segregated beaches and resorts.
  • The car and clothing hint at when this was taken, and reveal the presence of Black people in outdoor spaces, specifically beaches, long before desegregation.
  • This photo is of a YWCA camp for girls. Recreation, specifically in the outdoors, was not limited to just boys.
Chicago Tribune, July 9, 1961.
Chicago Tribune, July 9, 1961.

Annotation:

  • Wade-ins were just like sit-in protests happening at lunch counters during the civil rights movement. Instead of sitting down in restaurants, activists were visiting the beach and swimming in the ocean.
  • Many of the beaches where wade-ins occurred, including Rainbow Beach, were not legally segregated, but were “segregated by custom,” meaning that only white people had been welcome there for many years, they were dangerous places for Black people to go.
  • Wade-ins advocated for integration. Many communities ended up getting designated Black beaches rather than equal access to all beaches.
  • The police are facing the group of protestors. This stance indicates that the protestors were seen as the threat of violence rather than the racist mob.
  • Although no violence was reported, ten people were arrested for “unlawful assembly.” This charge is meant for people who enter a space illegally or who threaten public safety. Since there was no legal segregation of Rainbow Beach, neither one of these things was the case.

Discussion Questions:

  • What or who do you see in these photos?
  • When do you think these photos were taken?
  • Why do you think the photos were taken?
  • Did anything in the photos surprise you?
  • What questions do you have for the photos?

 

The Environmental Movements of the 1960s and 1970s

Overview

By the 1960s, decades of industrialization, resource over-extraction, and use of harmful chemicals had taken a noticeable environmental toll. The sources in this section explore the environmental movements of the 1960s and 1970s and pieces of federal legislation passed in response to the growing popular movement to protect the environment.

By the early 1960s and 1970s, what had been a burgeoning environmental movement grew into the mainstream as activists and scholars alike noticed an intensifying environmental crisis. Some key issues included deforestation, air and water pollution, and species extinction. A few key moments in this growing environmental movement include: the fight against DDT, made popular by Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring; the first Earth Day in 1970; and the American Indian Movement’s March to Wounded Knee in 1973. Important pieces of legislation include the Wilderness Act (1964), Clean Air Act (1970), the Endangered Species Act (1973).

Sources

  • "DDT is good for me-e-e," Advertisement, Time Magazine, June 30, 1947
    • Podcast: "DDT: The Britney Spears of Chemicals"
  • Rachel Carson, Silent Spring, excerpts
    • American Experience: Rachel Carson Video
  • Earth Day and March to Wounded Knee
    • Walter Cronkite, Earth Day CBS News Broadcast, April 22, 1970
    • "World Pilgrimage: Wounded Knee," Poster, April 22, 1970
    • Podcast: Throughline, "The Force of Nature"
    • Video: PBS, "The American Indian Movement and Wounded Knee"
  • Environmental Movement: Legislation
    • Complete Text of the Wilderness Act (Teaching Version)
    • Endangered Species Act of 1973
    • Video: PBS Learning Media, "Birth of the Clean Air Act"
    • Video: US Fish and Wildlife Service, Endangered Species Act 101

"DDT is good for me-e-e," Advertisement, Time Magazine, June 30, 1947 

DDT Poster by the Penn Salt Chemicals Manufacturing Company. Poster touts the many beneficial uses of DDT.

(see https://digital.sciencehistory.org/works/1831ck18w)

Background

  • Created by the Penn Salt Chemicals company
  • Published in Time Magazine, June 1947
  • Touts the multiple uses and benefits of DDT for different audiences, including commercial farmers and in the home.
  • Dichloro-diphenyl-trichloroethane (DDT) was developed in the late nineteenth century, but became commercially available by the 1940s.
  • The US military initially used DDT to stop the spread of diseases, like malaria, that spread through insects.
  • DDT became commercially available in the 1940s as a pesticide that everyday Americans and famers could use to keep insects off of crops.
  • Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring has been credited with exposing the harms of DDT on human, animal, and plant health.
  • The movement against DDT can be seen as one of the main signifiers of the modern environmental movement, which had already started to take shape by the early 1960.

Discussion Questions

  • What kind of document is this? (Is it a newspaper article, an advertisement, a letter, etc.)
  • Who created this document?
  • Who might the intended audience be for this document?
  • Choose three of the photographs and text blurbs. What do these sections argue?
  • Taking the document as a whole, what do you think the argument of this document is?
  • Given what has been discussed about DDT, how might this document be misleading?

Extend: "DDT: The Britney Spears of Chemicals" Podcast, https://digital.sciencehistory.org/works/1831ck18w.

  • What were some of the initial uses of DDT?
  • When did the public start to question the use of DDT and why?
    • What are some of the different interpretations of when the public started doubting the use of DDT?
    • How did the Polio epidemic sway public opinion on DDT?
  • Where do we see discourses surrounding uses of chemicals and safety in today’s media?

Excerpts: Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring, 1962, Chapters 1 & 17

A Fable for Tomorrow page one. Above the text is a sketched landscape with trees and mountains

(see https://www.uky.edu/~tmute2/GEI-Web/GEI/GEI10/GEI%20past/GEI08-Global%20Env%20Issues/GEI%20lecturse/carson_silent-spring.pdf).

Background

  • Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring was published in 1962.
  • Carson’s work exposed the dangers of DDT to the public, spurring an already growing environmental movement.
  • Carson was born in Springdale, Pennsylvania (near Pittsburgh) in 1907, and died in 1964 after a battle with cancer.
  • Carson was one of the foremost nature writers of the twentieth century.
  • For more on Rachel Carson see: https://pabook.libraries.psu.edu/literary-cultural-heritage-map-pa/bios/carson__rachel_louise.

Video Source: American Experience on Rachel Carson https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SeJNRaE11A0

Questions

  • Carson’s introduction spells out a “before” and “after.” How does she describe the natural landscape like before?
    • How does she describe the condition of nature after?
  • What is the cause of this change, according to Carson?
  • Why might Carson have called her book Silent Spring?
  • What is Carson’s call to action?
  • How does Carson appeal to broad audiences beyond the scientific profession?
  • How would you describe Carson’s philosophy behind humanity’s relationship with nature?
  • Do you think Carson’s observations and solutions are still relevant today? If so, how? 

The First Earth Day & March to Wounded Knee, 1970 & 1973

Walter Cronkite, Earth Day CBS News Broadcast, April 22, 1970, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WbwC281uzUs.

March to Wounded Knee: Earth Day World Pilgrimage Poster, 1973, Library of Congress, https://www.loc.gov/item/2016648085/

Poster reading March to Wounded Knee: Earth Day, April 20-22

Background

  • The growing popular movements aimed at environmental protection led to a major moment in 1970 with the first Earth Day.
  • Senator Gaylord Nelson of Wisconsin is credited with organizing the first Earth Day, wherein activists from across the country, protested the environmental degradation caused by unchecked industrial pollution.
  • The American Indian Movement (AIM) used Earth Day as a focal point of the 73-day Wounded Knee occupation in 1973.
    • AIM protested the US government’s broken promises and exploitation of American Indian land and human rights. Activists protested on the site of the 1890 Wounded Knee Massacre.

Cronkite Broadcast Questions

  • What are some of the environmental issues Earth Day might have remedied?
  • Who participated in the first Earth Day?
    • Why might Cronkite have said Earth Day “failed?”
  • What role do the media play in shaping public awareness and action on environmental issues?
  • How do you think the environmental movement has evolved since 1970?
    • In what ways do you think it has succeeded, and where do challenges remain?

March to Wounded Knee Poster Questions

  • Who created this poster, and when?
  • Why was this poster made?
  • What is on the poster, and what might these symbols represent?
  • How might the goals of Earth Day align with those of AIM?

Extension Podcast and Video

  • NPR Throughline Podcast, "The Force of Nature," https://www.npr.org/2021/04/19/988747549/earth-day-1970.
  • PBS Video: "The American Indian Movement at Wounded Knee," https://www.pbslearningmedia.org/resource/ush22-soc-aimwoundedknee/the-american-indian-movement-and-wounded-knee-we-shall-remain-wounded-knee/.

Environmental Movement: Legislation 

Background

The growing social and cultural movements throughout the 1960s and 1970s helped push both state and federal legislatures to pass a series of laws to combat air and water pollution, and curb species extinctions. Legislation including the Clean Air Act (1963, 1970), the Wilderness Act (1964), and the Endangered Species Act (1973), provided federal support for the conservation and protection natural environment. These acts, along with the creation of the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) in 1970, formed the backbone of modern environmental policy, as the federal government began to take a more active role in environmental protection efforts. 

Sources

 

 

 

Incorporating 20th Century US Environmental History in the K-5 Classroom

Article Body

Introduction: How to Use this Guide

Organization

  • Sources are sorted into four thematic sections, arranged chronologically.
  • Each section begins with an overview and index of sources.
  • Primary sources are curated alongside questions, videos, and podcasts to help contextualize each source.

Links

  • Many sources are linked to their hosting websites (external to this site).

 

Environmentalism in the Progressive Era & WWI, c. 1890-1920

Overview

The primary source documents and videos in this section illustrate the growing environmental ethos evident in the early twentieth century, from the Progressive Era through Wold War I.

The Progressive Era, spanning roughly from 1890-1920, can be understood as a period of reform movements formed in response to rapid industrialization, urbanization, and commercialization. Among these reform movements were two early environmental movements known as preservationism and conservationism. Preservationists believed that natural landscapes should be left exactly as they were, and conservationists sought to maintain natural resources in order for them to be best used and enjoyed. John Muir was known as the most prominent preservationist, whereas Gifford Pinchot was known as the most prominent conservationist.

This growing environmental ethos continued into World War I, as Americans conserved and rationed resources in order to support the war effort. Through their participation in garden clubs and local victory gardens, American women and children on the home front used agricultural practices to support soldiers abroad.

The sources in this section exemplify the many perspectives among Americans fostering connections to the environment in the early twentieth century.

Sources

  • US Forest Service Video, "Gifford Pinchot Birthday Card"
  • National Parks Service Video, "Happy Birthday National Park Service!" 
  • National Parks Service Video, "Brigadier General Charles Young, Early Park Superintendent."  
  • "Everybody Plant a Garden," Richmond Times Dispatch, April 22, 1917.
    • Political cartoon, J.N. Darling, in the New York Tribune, 1919.
  • "Yule Exhibits in Portsmouth, Virginia Pilot, December 11, 1941.
    • Smithsonian Gardens Video.
  • "Will you have a part in Victory?" 1918, poster.
  • "The Gardens of Victory," poster.
    • Victory Gardens Video.

US Forest Service, "Gifford Pinchot Birthday Card" 

Link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WgFlbQiG3j0.

Background:

  • Gifford Pinchot (1865-1946) was known as the “father of American forestry.” He was an influential Progressive Era conservationist who advocated for the protection of natural resources in the United States.

Discussion Questions:

  • The Grey Towers National Historic Site commemorates Pinchot. 
  • What does commemorate mean?
  • How might physical sites commemorate people?
  • Why might the Forest service want to tell Pinchot’s story?
  • What is scientific forestry?
  • Why might Pinchot have wanted to bring forestry to the United States?
  • What kinds of local and national political influence did Pinchot garner?

National Parks Service Video, "Happy Birthday National Park Service!" 

Link: https://www.nps.gov/media/video/view.htm?id=F4CA333A-E487-498D-BB0A-4E3D3729B9B7

Background:

  • President Woodrow Wilson established the NPS into law through the 1916 “Organic Act.”
  • Now, there are sixty-three National Parks across the country, serving millions of people each year. 

Discussion Questions 

  • What do you think of when you hear “National Parks”?
  • What is a Park Ranger?
    • Where do the Park Rangers in this video work?
  • List some of the National Parks described by these Park Rangers.
    • Do any of these places surprise you?
  • If you could make a site you know a National Park, which site would you choose? Why?

Brigadier General Charles Young, Early Park Superintendent

Link: https://home.nps.gov/seki/learn/historyculture/young.htm.

Background:

 

“Everybody Plant a Garden,” Richmond Times-Dispatch, April 22, 1917.

Everybody Plant a Garden newspaper article, sponsored by the American National Bank of Richmond, Virginia

Background

  • As a newspaper, this was intended for a wide audience and was published just weeks after the US declared war on Germany during WWI. Victory Gardens were encouraged as a way to help with food shortages and rations during the war. Gardening also gave people something to do and a way to participate that would ease anxieties about the war, food, and the threat of inflation.
  • While Garden Clubs were primarily run by women, men and children were also encouraged to join so the whole family could be involved.
  • War took millions of men away from their jobs which included agriculture and transportation. Imports of goods from other countries including fertilizer also slowed or stopped. With decreased home grown food and decreased imports of foreign food, shortages occurred which caused increased prices and hoarding.
  • The bank invested in the Garden Club in support of the war effort and the local economy.

Political cartoon, J.N. Darling, in the New York Tribune, 1919

Link: https://virginiahistory.org/learn/victory-gardens.

Cartoon featuring a line of vegetables with faces like people, and a soldier standing in front of them with a newspaper reading Uncle Sam Expects every war garden to do its duty.

Discussion Questions:

  • What do you see?
  • How might Cabbage Worms “enemy plotters” like our enemies in war?
  • Who do you think this cartoon is for?

 

“Yule Exhibits in Portsmouth,” Virginian-Pilot, December 11, 1941. 

 

Article about a conservation yule show in Portsmouth-Norfolk County, Virginia.

Background

  • As a newspaper, this was intended for a wide public audience. The date reveals that this Yule Exhibit was held the weekend after the attack on Pearl Harbor.
  • A Federation of Garden Clubs through the County indicates that Garden club work was important to the government. Even on the local level, there was institutional support of the war effort.
  • This exhibit attempted to make conservation interesting to a wide audience by connecting it to Christmas, and hoped to encourage families to reduce waste and decorate using recycled materials at home. Reducing waste was important during war time when money and resources were scarce.
  • All of the club’s leaders were women which shows that conservation was seen as a “women’s activity.” Garden Clubs provided women leadership opportunities. Also note that they were all listed by their husbands’ names.
  • Garden Clubs were often made exclusive to only wealthy white women. This article shows that in spite of segregation, Black women organized their own Garden Clubs and advocated for conservation.

Smithsonian Gardens Video

Link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TtrlcLslK5w. 

Discussion Questions

  • Are the photos you see in this video in Black and White?
  • What might that mean?
  • What are some reasons people have gardens today?
  • What are some reason why people had gardens back then?
  • Why is gardening good?
  • Why is reducing waste good?
  • What did the women in Garden Clubs do besides garden?
  • How might Garden Clubs have benefited communities?

 

Will you have a part in Victory? 1918

Link: https://www.loc.gov/item/2002712327/

Image showing woman dressed in american flag walking and sprinkling seeds into a field

Background

  • This was published by the National War Garden Commission, a temporary department created to encourage gardening during WWI.
  • Dressed in the American flag, this woman, beautiful and innocent looking, represents the country. She appears delicate and yet powerful, but ultimately worthy of
    protection. She walks with a purpose and sows seeds that presumably will allow the nation to win the war. This imagery is often used for America or American ideals (think Statue of Liberty). The image conjures an emotional attachment to the nation, but also inspires women to join her in the garden or farm fields.
  • “Every Garden a Munition Plant” communicates that growing food is just as important as manufacturing guns and ammunition.

Discussion Questions:

  • What do you see? What do you wonder about this image?
  • Why is the woman dressed in an American flag?
  • Is this similar to other propaganda images?
  • Why was food important during the war?

 

The Gardens of Victory Video

Link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uBg1ND5X3tA

Discussion Questions:

  • What do you notice about this video?
  • When do you think this video was made? Why?
  • What are some reasons why people have gardens today?
  • Why might people have had gardens back then?
  • What is a ration?
  • Do you have questions about the video?

 

The Great Depression and the New Deal (c. 1929-1945)

Overview

The sources in this section chronicle the environmental aspects of the Great Depression and the New Deal. This period can be studied for both its environmental disaster and federal initiatives toward conservation and reforestation.

In the early 1930s, as the Great Depression wreaked havoc on the economy, the Dust Bowl hit in the Great Plains and the eastern US. The Dust Bowl became known as the largest human caused environmental disaster in US history and is largely attributed to the poor use of agricultural lands as well that were intensified by a long drought in the region. The disaster would lead to mass migration from the Great Plains to Wester states, including California. Primary source photographs, an interview, and a PBS video illustrate the toll the Dust Bowl had on the environment and the people living there.

President Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal ushered in a series of federally funded programs to alleviate financial burdens of the Great Depression, while also focusing on environmental projects. Notably, the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) employed young men to work on conservation initiatives and reforestation projects. Their work would benefit the National Park Service, as well as State Parks around the country.

Sources

  • The Dust Bowl & The Great Depression
    • Photo: Arthur Rothstein, “Abandoned farm in the dust bowl area, Oklahoma,” April 1936, Farm Security Administration.
    • Photo: Dorothea Lange, “Migrant Mother: Birth of an Icon,” Nipomo, 1936.
    • Video: A Man-Made Ecological Disaster
    • Interview with Flora Robertson, 1940
  • Civilian Conservation Corps & the New Deal
    • Video: Zion National Park Ranger Minute
    • NPS, Civilian Conservation Corps Article
    • Video: Civilian Conservation Corps | Oregon Experience, Oregon Public Broadcasting

The Dust Bowl and the Great Depression

“Abandoned farm in the dust bowl area, Oklahoma.” Photographed by Arthur Rothstein of the Farm Security Administration April 1936, Library of Congress.
“Abandoned farm in the dust bowl area, Oklahoma.”
Photographed by Arthur Rothstein of the Farm Security Administration April 1936, Library of Congress.
Dorothea Lange,“Migrant Mother: Birth of an Icon,” Nipomo, 1936, Oakland Museum of California.
Dorothea Lange,“Migrant Mother: Birth of an Icon,” Nipomo, 1936, Oakland Museum of California.

Background:

  • In the early 1930s, extreme drought hit the Great Plains. For decades, farmers in the region had been over-plowing and depleting the soil through a lack of crop rotation.
  • The drought, combined with high winds, caused massive
    dust storms that blew across the plains, further stripping topsoil.
  • Along with environmental damage, the Dust Bowl caused
    further economic hardship and health issues.
  • The Dust Bowl would also cause a mass migration of
    farmers out of states like Oklahoma, Texas, and Arkansas
    and to California as they searched for better opportunities.

Discussion Questions:

  • What do you see in these photos?
  • What people and objects do you see?
  • When do you think these photos were taken?
  • Why do you think the photo was taken?
  • How might the Dust Bowl have affected women and children?
  • How might the Dust Bowl have affected the environment?

Civilian Conservation Corps & the New Deal

National Park Service Ranger Minute Link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zPvnXG8qSTs

National Park Service CCC Article Link: https://www.nps.gov/articles/the-civilian-conservation-corps.htm

Oregon Public Broadcasting CCC Video (28 min) Link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6ZArEDEVo4s

Analyzing Photographs & Discussion Questions:

  • What do you see in these photos?
  • What people and objects do you see?
  • When do you think these photos were taken?
  • Why do you think the photo was taken?
  • How did the Civilian Conservation Corps help people? How did it help the earth?
  • Would you join the CCC? Why or why not?

 

Segregation and Jim Crow in the Environment

Overview

In the early twentieth century, Jim Crow segregation relegated Black Americans to separate and often unequal environmental spaces. In spite of this, Black Americans had robust relationships to the environment through recreation, and commercial or personal ownership.

The sources in this section highlight the specific ways outdoor spaces were segregated through law and social custom. The sources also reveal how Black Americans maintained connection to the outdoors despite the segregation they actively fought, creating spaces of joy and environmental connection for their communities. By exploring these not so distant stories, students will also be able to consider what effects of environmental segregation and racism are still present today.

Sources

  • Ownership and Segregation of Beaches
    • Photo: “YWCA camp for girls. Highland Beach, Maryland,” 1930, Scurlock Studio Records, Box 41, Archives Center, Smithsonian National Museum of American History.
    • Newspaper: “Police on Guard at Wade-In,” Chicago Tribune, July 9, 1961

Ownership and Segregation of Beaches

YWCA camp for girls. Highland Beach, Maryland, 1930, Smithsonian National Museum of American History.
YWCA camp for girls. Highland Beach, Maryland, 1930,
Smithsonian National Museum of American History. https://sova.si.edu/search/ark:/65665/ep80096b07bf0a64bfb9fd5ec70b4dd9cc6

Annotation:

  • Incorporated in 1922, Highland Beach was the first African American municipality in Maryland. It was also the first African American Summer Resort in the Country.
  • Many very wealthy African Americans including Mary Church Terrell and Charles Douglass.
  • In the late 1800s and early 1900s, most beaches and coastal properties were owned by Black people, particularly formerly enslaved folks and their descendants because the weather and sandy soil made the land less valuable. In the 20th century, predatory white land developers started trying to take these properties and monetize them as segregated beaches and resorts.
  • The car and clothing hint at when this was taken, and reveal the presence of Black people in outdoor spaces, specifically beaches, long before desegregation.
  • This photo is of a YWCA camp for girls. Recreation, specifically in the outdoors, was not limited to just boys.
“Chicago Tribune, July 9, 1961. Police on Guard at Beach Wade-In police stand and look down on group of young African Americans sitting on the beach.
“Chicago Tribune, July 9, 1961.

Annotation:

  • Wade-ins were just like sit-in protests happening at lunch
    counters during the civil rights movement. Instead of sitting down in restaurants, activists were visiting the beach and swimming in the ocean.
  • Many of the beaches where wade-ins occurred, including Rainbow Beach, were not legally segregated, but were “segregated by custom,” meaning that only white people had been welcome there for many years, they were dangerous places for Black people to go.
  • Wade-ins advocated for integration. Many communities ended up getting designated Black beaches rather than equal access to all beaches.
  • The police are facing the group of protestors. This stance indicates that the protestors were seen as the threat of violence rather than the racist mob.
  • Although no violence was reported, ten people were arrested for “unlawful assembly.” This charge is meant for people who enter a space illegally or who threaten public safety. Since there was no legal segregation of Rainbow Beach, neither one of these things was the case.

Discussion Questions:

  • What or who do you see in these photos?
  • When do you think these photos were taken?
  • Why do you think the photos were taken?
  • Did anything in the photos surprise you?
  • What questions do you have for the photos?

The Environmental Movement of the 1960s and 1970s

Overview

By the 1960s, decades of industrialization, resource over-extraction, and use of harmful chemicals had taken a noticeable environmental toll. The sources in this section explore the environmental movements of the 1960s and 1970s and pieces of federal legislation passed in response to the growing popular movement to protect the environment.

By the early 1960s and 1970s, what had been a burgeoning environmental movement grew into the mainstream as activists and scholars alike noticed an intensifying environmental crisis. Some key issues included deforestation, air and water pollution, and species extinction. A few key moments in this growing environmental movement include: the fight against DDT, made popular by Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring; the first Earth Day in 1970; and the American Indian Movement’s March to Wounded Knee in 1973. Important pieces of legislation include the Wilderness Act (1964), Clean Air Act (1970), the Endangered Species Act (1973).

Sources

  • “DDT is good for me-e-e” Advertisement, Time Magazine, June 30, 1947.
  • Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring
    • Video: Rachel Carson and the Origin of Scientific Environmentalism
  • Earth Day & March to Wounded Knee
    • Walter Cronkite, Earth Day CBS News Broadcast, April 22, 1970
    • “World Pilgrimage: Wounded Knee,” Poster, April 22, 1970.
    • Video: PBS, “All About Holidays: Earth Day”
  • Environmental Movement: Legislation
    • Video: Endangered Species Act Overview, U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service

 

"DDT is good for me-e-e," Advertisement, Time Magazine, June 30, 1947

DDT is good for me-e-e magazine page

Link: https://digital.sciencehistory.org/works/1831ck18w

 

Background:

  • Dichloro-diphenyl-trichloroethane (DDT) was developed in the late nineteenth century, but became commercially available by the 1940s.
  • The US military initially used DDT to stop the spread of diseases, like malaria, that spread through insects.
  • DDT became commercially available in the 1940s as a pesticide that everyday Americans and famers could use to keep insects off of crops.
  • Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring has been credited with exposing the harms of DDT on human, animal, and plant health.
  • The movement against DDT can be seen as one of the main signifiers of the modern environmental movement, which had already started to take shape by the early 1960s.

Annotation:

  • Created by the Penn Salt Chemicals company
  • Published in Time Magazine, June 1947
  • Touts the multiple uses and benefits of DDT for different audiences, including commercial farmers and in the home.

Discussion Questions:

  • What kind of document is this? (Is it a newspaper article, an advertisement, a letter, etc.)
  • Who created this document?
  • Who might the intended audience be for this document?
  • Choose three of the photographs and text blurbs. What do these sections argue?
  • Taking the document as a whole, what do you think the argument of this document is?
  • Given what has been discussed about DDT, how might this document be misleading?

 

Rachel Carson's Silent Spring

Rachel Carson and the Origin of Scientific Environmentalism Video Link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GCYEElzrK64

Discussion Questions:

  • What were some of Carson’s “unique talents”?
  • How did Carson communicate her findings to the public, and why might her message have been important?
  • Why might Carson’s writings appeal to us today?

 

The First Earth Day & March to Wounded Knee, 1970 & 1973

Background:

  • The growing popular movements aimed at environmental protection led to a major moment in 1970 with the first Earth Day.
  • Senator Gaylord Nelson of Wisconsin is credited with organizing the first Earth Day, wherein activists from across the country, protested the environmental degradation caused by unchecked industrial pollution.
  • The American Indian Movement (AIM) used Earth Day as a focal point of the 73-day Wounded Knee occupation in 1973.
    • AIM protested the US government’s broken promises and exploitation of American Indian land and human rights. Activists protested on the site of the 1890 Wounded Knee Massacre.

Walter Cronkite, Earth Day, CBS News Broadcast, April 22,1970. Video Link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WbwC281uzUs

Discussion Questions:

  • What are some of the environmental issues Earth Day might have remedied?
  • Who participated in the first Earth Day?
    • Why might Kronkite have said Earth Day “failed?”
  • What role do the media play in shaping public awareness and action on environmental issues?
  • How do you think the environmental movement has evolved since 1970?
    • In what ways do you think it has succeeded, and where do challenges remain?
March to wounded knee poster
March to Wounded Knee: Earth Day World Piligramage Poster, 1973, Library of Congress. https://www.loc.gov/item/2016648085/

Discussion Questions:

  • Who created this poster, and when?
  • Why was this poster made?
  • What is on the poster, and what might these symbols represent?
  • How might the goals of Earth Day align with those of AIM?

PBS, All About Holidays: Earth Day Video Link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YuhpygdNmcQ&feature=youtu.be

Video: Endangered Species Act Overview, U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9OAIlM1EFHc.

 

John F. Kennedy and Service

Teaser

Students learn about John F. Kennedy and his ideas about service as a prompt to explore what service means in their communities.  

lesson_image
Description

What does it mean to "ask not what your country can do for you but what you can for your country"? Students learn the context of JFK's phrase and craft their own "Ask Not" messages.

Article Body

In this teaching module from the Shapell Manuscript Foundation in collaboration with the Roy Rosenzweig Center for History and New Mediastudents explore rare and historically significant manuscripts from Shapell collection. These include handwritten documents by President John F. Kennedy including notes recording his well known call to service "Ask not what your country can do for you, but what you can do for your country." Students use documents to learn more about what President Kennedy meant by service and then develop their own ideas about how what service means in their community.

Students work in small groups to analyze these documents and think through the kinds of service Kennedy engaged in. Kennedy's service include his military service in the navy during World War II that he volunteered for despite the fact that his medical issues excused him from the draft. Students also learn about Kennedy's policies such as the Peace Corps which promoted the idea that young people could serve the world in a variety of ways.

After analyzing these primary sources students work in groups to create their "Ask Not" video to encourage young people to engage in service to their communities. As a possible extension, teachers can invite community leaders into the classroom to view the video presentations and offer feedback on what local service opportunities exist for young people.

Topic
John F Kennedy and Service
Time Estimate
90 minutes
flexibility_scale
2
Rubric_Content_Accurate_Scholarship

Yes

Rubric_Content_Historical_Background

Yes

Rubric_Content_Read_Write

Yes

Rubric_Analytical_Construct_Interpretations

Yes

Rubric_Analytical_Close_Reading_Sourcing

Yes

Rubric_Scaffolding_Appropriate

Yes

Rubric_Scaffolding_Supports_Historical_Thinking

Yes

Rubric_Structure_Assessment

Yes

Rubric_Structure_Realistic

Yes

Rubric_Structure_Learning_Goals

Yes

Statistics in Schools

Image
Annotation

This website makes U.S Census data accessible to K-12 social studies students through 20 classroom activities. Divided by grade-level, these activities trace change over time in the United States using statistics. Activities address civil rights, continental expansion, the treatment of Native Americans, immigration, and other topics related to demographic change.

With schools placing a greater emphasis on the STEM fields, these activities are helpful for social studies teachers who are trying to make cross-curricular connections. Each activity requires students to analyze data to draw conclusions, clearly demonstrating how teachers can use non-textual primary sources to encourage historical thinking in the classroom.

These activities are also very clear about which standards (Common Core and UCLA National Standards for History), skills, and level of Bloom’s Taxonomy they address. However, it would be helpful if it were possible to search activities based on at least one of these categories, rather than by grade range only. Nevertheless, a well-designed website with well-written activities for thinking historically with diverse types of sources.

Smithsonian American Art Museum: "Acehlous and Hercules"

Video Overview

How do you analyze a massive primary source? Divide it up! Suzannah Niepold of the Smithsonian American Art Museum guides teachers in observing Thomas Hart Benton's mural Achelous and Hercules. What parts of the painting seem realistic? What parts might be symbolic?

Video Clip Name
achelous1.mov
achelous2.mov
Video Clip Title
Analyzing the Mural
Sharing Observations
Video Clip Duration
5:25
5:49
Transcript Text

Suzannah Niepold: This, first off, is much, much bigger than the one we just saw. So what happens when we all look at the whole thing, to start with, is we forget and we miss out on some of the details, especially on the sides. So I'm going to start by asking you to divide in the middle, and have—actually this group is now a little bit bigger, divide in the middle. And have this group look at everything from this man over this way. And you guys look at everything from this woman in blue over this way. Look closely, notice as much detail as you can, you can talk amongst yourselves; try and figure out what's going on in the picture, and keep an open mind for now. We'll put it all together later. Speaker 1: What do you think that is behind him? Is that clouds or… Speaker 2: I think it's mountain? Speaker 3: What did you guys decide this looked like? A river? Speaker 2: Because it's sort of the same color as what's in the foreground. He's gotta stand on something. Speaker 1: He's right, you're right. And then the river—and maybe that's muddy. Yeah, I saw that. Speaker 3: And that looks like Little Boy Blue! Speaker 1: Yeah, I saw that. Speaker 4: I'm not really sure what that is. What the woman—maybe Freedom? Speaker 1: Yeah, she's carrying like a wreath—that's what they used to wear. Speaker 3: And there's a steamboat— Speaker 4: Red is always a prominent color, and it's clearly in the center, so that must mean something. Speaker 1: Well, it's like blue and red. Speaker 5: It's like the muddy Mississippi? I don’t know. There's a steamboat. Speaker 4: I was thinking gold instead of muddy, but it could be muddy. Speaker 1: But it looks like it's harvest time. So all the work has been done, the food— Speaker 2: American bounty, the corn, the prosperous land. Speaker 1: And everything—at least these three subjects seem to be very relaxed. Speaker 2: Yep, not doing any work. Speaker 1: He's working, but it's okay, he's not being overworked. So there's a sense of safety, a sense of security. Suzannah Niepold: So, let's start with this group here, what's going on in this half of the artwork? Speaker 1: We were looking at—we started first on sort of the food. That it's harvest time, and then the people sitting on top of the cornucopia of food as maybe the food is the support system that allows them to feel secure and safe from want. And then we were looking at, in the background, at what we assume is water, but it's not blue—so is that golden? Or is it muddy to reflect the Mississippi because of the steamboat? And then we were looking at the mountain-slash-and/or clouds in the background and trying to decide what that was as well. Speaker 2: And didn't know if that was "Little Boy Blue." And the date is '47. Suzannah Niepold: And you saw that because the artist so inconveniently put that in the corner? Darn it! You noticed what's really prominent in this half of the picture is that harvest, the bounty, and it's all spilling out of the cornucopia. I like the way that you say that's maybe the support that makes them feel secure, and you used the phrase "freedom from want." Now what era is that from, too? Speaker 3: Roosevelt. Suzannah Niepold: Roosevelt, that's right, end of World War II. So that really fits right into this. And then you wondered also about this weird color, it's water because there's a steamboat on it, but maybe it's a golden color or a muddy churning color that made you think Mississippi, Old Muddy, that kind of thing. So you've situated it a little bit in place and time. How about this half of the artwork? Speaker 4: I grew up on a farm in northern California, so this really reminds me of home with the foothills, the coloring of the countryside, the live oaks along the ridgeline, and the mountains in the background. So that really reminded me of home and harvest time. Suzannah Niepold: So more harvest, American farm, American Dream. What else? Speaker 5: It looks like there's a struggle of some sort with the bull. It was at one point tied up, you can see the lasso around its horns but it's cut somehow. Suzannah Niepold: We talked about the farm; notice there's this struggle here between this man and the bull, he's gotten loose. What else is going on over here that we haven't talked about yet? Speaker 6: The African American gentleman on the fence there. Suzannah Niepold: So he's sitting on the fence, what might his role in this scene be? Speaker 7: I think the symbolism of him being "on the fence," it can go either way—he can help in this struggle, or he can—I don't know. Suzannah Niepold: Maybe, purposefully, he's literally on the fence as you noticed. Speaker 4: It looks like he was very content to watch, but now that the bull's broken free he's getting involved and coming in to help.

Suzannah Niepold: Putting the artwork together, how do you think the two halves fit?

Speaker 1: It's like a new Manifest Destiny, too. You've got Liberty right there on the cornucopia, and this seems more the wildness of the West. Like the Manifest Destiny picture that we've all seen before, you kind of move from progress to more wild.

Speaker 2: Almost two Americas, where on the one hand we have this security, we've won World War II, life is great; but then the bull being loose and still offering a threat is sort of there's still challenges out there that we need to face.

Suzannah Niepold: Okay, so there's still that struggle of two forces there in the middle.

Speaker 3: The right side seems very calm and serene, the boy is sitting very relaxed, and his eyes are almost closed. And the two women looking very peaceful, and she's almost falling asleep. On the left it's chaos, there's this raging bull.

Speaker 4: And the bull, doesn't it represent economy? Don't we have [on] Wall Street the big brass or whatever bull down there? And then there's this man on a horse waving in the background, and I'm not quite sure—he seems happy, but he seems to be saying goodbye; he doesn't seem to be coming, he seems to be leaving or passing by. So I don't know if the country's struggling with—cause after World War II, we're coming out of the Great Depression, and what does this new economy, the GI Bill being in place, I don't know if any of that—but yet, maybe we're moving from one base economy to another?

Speaker 5: The other thing with 1947—because African Americans were allowed to fight in World War II, but then they came back and they weren't given their rights; somebody said he's kind of like on the fence, and is he on on the fence because he's like, "Am I free? Do I have rights?"

Suzannah Niepold: Right, so pre-Civil Rights era. One thing that's interesting if you look to the bull, and maybe that's a symbol and maybe that means something else. One symbol we've seen him used for is the economy and the global market. Is there anything else that stands out that as though it might not belong on a farm in America in 1947 or doesn't look quite like it comes from that era?

Speaker 6: Maybe the cornucopia?

Suzannah Niepold: Yeah, I don't think you'd expect to—you probably, growing up on a farm, wouldn't have a giant cornucopia in your backyard?

Speaker 7: No, but it is a symbol that stands for something else.

Suzannah Niepold: Ah, so again a symbol that might be standing in for something else. Anything else that doesn't seem middle—middle America farm?

Speaker 8: Well things aren't all going to be on the same farm. It's agriculture from across the country. You're not going to grow grapes in the same place that you grow wheat in the same place that you grow pumpkins and—

Speaker 9: The other group pointed out the two women. They're not exactly wearing farm clothes. And the big cape—I'm not sure what's in her right hand.

Suzannah Niepold: So one woman almost compared to the Statue of Liberty, so maybe they're more symbolic than realistic as well. Now, we've covered up the label, but looking at a bit of information gives us some clues. Not only was it painted in 1947, it was painted by Thomas Hart Benton, who's a Missouri artist. But he called it Achelous and Hercules. If we look back at our Greek mythology, we see there's a myth of the fight between Hercules—who might be a familiar name, usually students have heard about him; he's the son of Zeus, he's half god, strong man. The myth is that he is fighting over a girl, he wants to marry Deianira, and he has to fight for her hand in combat with Achelous—who is a river god. He takes on many forms depending on the type of river; so if he is a winding river he's a snake, and if he's a charging river he is a bull. So here we have a symbol, maybe not of economy but of the river. And it's a battle between the river and between man. So knowing that, what do you think the artist may be trying to say? Why is the struggle between man and the river important in this setting?

Speaker 5: Irrigation projects?

Speaker 10: Flooding.

Suzannah Niepold: Flooding, irrigation.

Speaker 1: Transport of crops.

Suzannah Niepold: Right, transport. So all of this—if you notice this harvest, we need to harness nature to create that. But sometimes it fights back, right, someone mentioned flooding. Benton was living in Missouri on the Missouri River during some very severe floods. So when he was commissioned to paint this for a department store in Kansas City, he chose a scene that he thought the people in that area would respond to of man conquering the bull. Because what happens is Hercules rips off the bull's horn and that's what turns into the cornucopia, so that's how California got its symbol.

The label I didn't want you to read makes a connection to the Marshall Plan. The idea that Europe was starving after the war and America was very proud of its bounty and its ability to feed the world. So that's one connection you can make. I didn't want you to read it ahead of time because I didn't want that to be the only connection that you make.

A Close Look at the World War II Memorial

Video Overview

Historian Christopher Hamner introduces educators to the World War II Memorial in Washington, DC. He places the memorial in context: How does the story of its construction contrast with that of the Vietnam Veterans Memorial? Who was the World War II Memorial built for? What was its design intended to convey?

Video Clip Name
wwmem1.mov
wwmem2.mov
wwmem3.mov
Video Clip Title
The Vietnam Memorial
The World War II Memorial in Contrast
Audience and Symbolism
Video Clip Duration
6:39
5:34
5:55
Transcript Text

Christopher Hamner: We're standing right in front of the World War II Memorial; how many of you have visited it before? Okay, great. I want to talk a little bit about why it's here and what it looks like, and then give you some time to explore a little bit. But I don't think you can really understand why the memorial looks the way that it does without knowing a little bit about a totally different memorial—the Vietnam War Memorial. So how many of you have been to the Vietnam War Memorial? Okay, great, just about everybody. What have your experiences been? Teacher 1: Very somber. Christopher Hamner: Okay, somber, absolutely. Teacher 2: Dark. Christopher Hamner: Yeah, no, it's somber, it's dark. Teacher 3: Emotional because it has the little book with the names and relatives. Christopher Hamner: Yeah, I mean draws you in, it can be incredibly emotional because it has become a destination point for a lot of the people who served in the Vietnam conflict, people leave things there, they'll take rubbings of people they knew—it's interactive in a way that not many memorials are. It has its own really interesting story; the story of the Vietnam Memorial goes back to the mid-'70s. It was a project started by a veteran of the Vietnam conflict who saw the movie Deer Hunter, which took him back to his own experiences fighting in the war. He said he stayed up all night and that the next morning he told his wife that he was going to dedicate himself to raising money for a memorial to the people that he had served with in Vietnam. The monument that you think of as the Vietnam Memorial, which is the wall—that V-shaped wall that sort of starts low and rises to a peak of I think 6 or 7 feet and has the names inscribed on it—is actually only one of three Vietnam Memorials that are in the same place. And in 2012, we know this as one of the most moving monuments, a place where people will come from across the country to connect with it. It was incredibly controversial at first, and that's a part of the story that we often tune out. But it has a backstory. As they raised money they began to solicit designs for the memorial. And I talked to you guys this morning when we were at the Grant Memorial, and we've talked a lot of times about all sorts of historical sources, that things are made, they don't just appear, and they're designed by a person or a committee who wants to get an idea out there. The Vietnam Memorial is a little unusual in that they opened a design contest nationally. And somewhat atypically they did the jury review blind. Architecture—architects and designers could put forth a plan for what the memorial might look like, and then they submitted it. They all went out to a big hanger like at Dulles Airport. But all the information about who had designed it and who they were and what their background was was all stripped off, so that the judges were only looking at the idea itself. And the design that you know of as "The Design" was one of the last two dozen and then one of the last nine and then the last three and it was ultimately the one that was selected. The selection and the unveiling of the design—before it was even built—went off like a bombshell. One of the groups that was most opposed to it was Vietnam War veterans. They were opposed to a number of things. One was the design of it. It is a somber memorial, it is black, it is anti-heroic, I think, in some ways. Did anybody see as we were walking over here on Constitution, happen to look over at the statue of the gold arm holding up a sword with flames? Okay, so what was that? Anybody catch it? Teacher 4: St. Michael or something wasn't it? Teacher 5: World War I, was it Second Division? Christopher Hamner: It was a monument to the Second Infantry Division and its losses in the First World War. You saw the arm holding up the flaming sword and then a list of all the battles that the Second Division fought in. That's much more of a kind of typical, classic war memorial. You put up a leader, or you put up something—a lion or an eagle or wreathes or something that has classical overtones and celebrates the heroism—and that is not what the Vietnam Memorial is. It was designed very specifically. The designer said that it was designed to get people to interact with it; it has the names of all of the people that were killed during the decade or so of the conflict. How are they organized? Teacher 6: The middle is the earliest and then it goes out to the side. Christopher Hamner: They’re organized chronologically in the order that the people died. So you cannot go and just alphabetically find the person that you want to find. That design forces you to look at a lot more of it than you would if you could just go right to the person you were looking for. You have to look over all of the names, or a lot more of the names, and it forces you to engage with it. What's the finish like, can anybody remember? Multiple Teachers: It's reflective. Christopher Hamner: The finish of the black marble is highly reflective. So as you're looking at the names you can also see your own face reflected in it. That's by design too. None of this was done accidentally. It encourages you to put yourself in the middle of these people and to think about the sacrifice and to think about it in very personal terms. The other thing that became a big issue with the design was the identity of the designer itself. Her name was Maya Lin. She was a 20-year-old Yale architecture student—so she was very young to win such a prestigious national competition—she was female, and she was Asian. None of those things sat particularly well with a vocal group of Vietnam veterans who felt that everything about the memorial was wrong—the location of it, the tone of it, the somberness of it. You can absolutely see where they're coming from. If you look around at most war memorials and you see that they celebrate heroism and glory and sacrifice, you might think this is not how I want my time, my conflict, to be remembered. This isn't what I want people thinking about. That was a really legitimate point, but it opens up this whole question of: Who is the memorial for?

Christopher Hamner: So despite the fact that the Second World War was fought after—or before the Vietnam War by 25 years or so, the World War II Memorial was actually started 15 years after the Vietnam Memorial. To my eye, a big part of what the World War II Memorial is about is not being controversial. That they did not want to open a similar can of worms about how are we going to celebrate this, how are we going to commemorate it, who is it for? It bends over backwards and goes to great lengths not to be controversial. And in a way kind of just dilutes it to a point where it doesn't say anything controversial, but I also don't know that it says all that much. People have pointed out that it's very classically derived. Curiously it actually looks like a lot of the memorials that the German architect Albert Speer built in Berlin during the Second World War as part of the Nazi government. Which is weird, because it's a memorial that looks a little bit like the architecture of the country that it's built to celebrate the defeat of. But you notice it's got 50-some plinths and they each have wreaths. Has anybody who's seen this before noticed how the plinths are organized? Teacher 1: By state, that's all I know. Christopher Hamner: By state, so every state and then some of the U.S. protectorates, Guam, the Virgin Islands. When you’re standing you can take a little bit closer look, there's Wyoming, Washington, South Dakota, Nevada, Kansas, Minnesota. That's interesting as a historian in that the states really had nothing to do with the way the war was fought. In the Civil War that was more true, people went off with the people from their home state, from their home town. But the Second World War deliberately didn't do that. They mixed people from Iowa and Florida and Alabama and Massachusetts in the same units. So it's not like the states went forward to fight. And it's not like the state governments had much of a role in the Second World War. The Second World War was very much the federal government's achievement. So to organized the wreathed tributes, which are the big outer ring, why do you do that? Teacher 2: It could be honoring the dead from each state. Christopher Hamner: It could be. I'll buy that. Why not do it by the different military units that fought, you know, the First Division, the Second Division, the Fourth Division. Teacher 3: It could be just underscoring that it's the United States, as opposed to— Christopher Hamner: And the circle, I think, does that and pulls it together. Teacher 4: It sounds like they designed by committee. Christopher Hamner: Yes, which is exactly what this was. The committee was formed in the mid-1990s, there was a real push by members of Congress who were World War II veterans themselves, and who said—quite reasonably—that this generation is not going to be around forever; we need to celebrate and commemorate their sacrifice and their achievement while they're still here to appreciate it. Then the design went through a series of committee decisions, which the Vietnam Memorial didn't, you know the Vietnam Memorial is one person's vision. Partly the decisions here reflect a desire to make sure that there's just nothing controversial about it. If you put it in by state and there's really nothing to—that could possibly be controversial about that—because everybody came from a state or a protectorate—but at the same time it doesn't really say much about the war. It just sort of recognizes the fact that there were four dozen entities that are there. Then you've got the big arches—one represents the European Theatre, one represents the Pacific Theatre, the two big fountains, it's like the freedom palisade. But everything is, I think, kind of homogenized in a way to make sure that it's not too controversial. There's not much in there that would get somebody saying this is an inaccurate way to portray my experience. Teacher 5: The order of the states, is it like— Christopher Hamner: I have no idea, I have not been able to figure that out! Teacher 5: Well I was wondering is it the same thing like on the Lincoln Memorial. Teacher 6: No, there is an order and it's in the brochure. Teacher 7: It says they alternate to the right and left of the field of stars based on when they entered the Union. Delaware was the first state. Christopher Hamner: So it is the order that they entered, but it goes back and forth… Teacher 6: That's bizarre. Christopher Hamner: That's just weird. For those of you who were with us this summer when we talked about the Enola Gay at the Smithsonian. That was 1995, the big brouhaha about how are you going to display the plane that dropped the atomic bomb on Hiroshima. The Air and Space Museum is right over there. And remember, that was a hugely controversial issue, they never wound up mounting the exhibit, several people who had backed it lost their jobs. That's in the recent memory of the people who are putting this together. Who I think wanted to make a memorial that could be the center where people could gather, something that was inoffensive to veterans, and to the families of veterans. But as a result I just don't think there's all that much there.

Christopher Hamner: Make your way around the outside and then the inside. On the inside there are reliefs that portray different facets of going to war—from the bombing offensive over Europe to the home front. Interestingly, everything is covered. Again, I think the goal was to be really inclusive and to try to make sure that everyone's war experience was represented in some way. There are two Easter eggs. There's a little surprising piece of graffiti—if you look for it you can find it—that is the one thing that breaks the very somber, classical architecture, you've got wreathes, you've got eagles, you've got very somber-looking white marble plinths. There's two pieces of graffiti that are hard to find, but that are much more about—are they in the brochure? That's cheating—but they're much more reflective of the soldiers' experience. Then the other thing to check once you've gotten down into the lower level is the field of gold stars, which is an interesting—[it] kind of borrows a little bit from the Vietnam Wall. There were about 56,000 deaths in Vietnam; there were more than 400,000 deaths in the Second World War. So it's obviously not possible to put every name on the World War II Memorial. So what they did instead, as you can see from here, it's sort of directly behind me, there's a fountain with a gold star for every 500 deaths. So each star represents 500 people who lost their lives fighting the Second World War. To me it has a really interesting effect. When I'm here I often hang out by the fountain to listen to tourist responses. One of the ones I hear the most is my first response, which is, "That's not as many stars as I thought." 400,000 is a huge amount of loss of life and sacrifice, and each one represents 500 families who are missing a son or a father or a brother. But for some reason the number 500 divides it in and it doesn't seem like as much as I would have thought, which I think is exactly the opposite of the intention they wanted to have. I don't know exactly how they made that judgment, but you might want to walk down and see what response you get to that. As a historian I've always thought it's just weird to have it organized by the states. It's very interesting to me now when I come back and visit and I'll watch people interacting with it, especially World War II veterans make a beeline right for their home state and there will often be World War II veterans standing around acting as interpreters and they'll be wearing their uniforms and they'll often ask if you'd like to hear a little from them. And they go right for their home states too, so on some level it's worked a lot. It's just to me it just doesn’t resonate because that's one category that didn't organize the war in any way. It would be like a monument that said, this part of the monument is for guys from 5'0'' to 5'3'' and this part is from 5'3'' to 5'6''—it doesn't really say much. The other question to be asking yourself is who is this for? It was expedited in Congress and the fundraising and the construction with the thought that it was very important to have something memorializing the sacrifice of the veterans' generation while some of them were still alive. That's not always the reason we commemorate things, memorials go up for different reasons. The Vietnam Memorial is a really good example because there's a memorial that at first the most vocal opponents were Vietnam veterans themselves who said we do not want that, that does not represent us. And in the 1980s, they said, well, it's not just about you. It's about the whole country's experience in Vietnam and the way it affected everyone besides just the people who fought. You can think about which parts of this are for servicemen and -women, which parts are for their families, which parts are for just regular Americans, what part of it is teaching—which is a useful tool that monuments do—and which part is just commemoration or celebration. But the most interesting way to look at this is in conjunction with the Vietnam Memorial and the Korean Memorial, which is another interesting outlier. Those of you that have seen that, it's like a large field of slightly larger than life figures, but the real tone there is realism. It is not a sort of idealized version of the war which you often see, especially with Civil War monuments when you're driving around DC—you'll see the guy on horseback and he's got the gleaming gold braid and the horse is rearing back and they look larger than life. The Korean War these guys are slogging across a field, they're in their winter gear and they look tired. You can see the weight hanging in their shoulders, they're humping pieces of gear, some of them have mortar tubes and machine guns slung across their shoulders, and you can see the fatigue in their faces, you can see the exhaustion in their bodies. That's a really different kind of portrayal. There isn't that level of realism here, there isn't that level of representation and I don't think they're trying to have that here. So different memorials that are all talking about the same basic thing—which is what does this country do when it goes to war?—still have really different designs. You can learn a lot about where the country was at the time the memorial was being designed and built by taking a close look at what it looks like and thinking about how it might have looked different.