For Us the Living

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For Us the Living is a resource for teachers that engages high school students through online primary-source based learning modules. Produced for the National Cemetery Administration's Veterans Legacy Program, this site tells stories of men and women buried in Alexandria National Cemetery, and helps students connect these stories to larger themes in American history. Primary sources used include photographs, maps, legislation, diaries, letters, and video interviews with scholars.

The site offers five modules for teachers to choose from, the first of which serves as an introduction to the cemetery's history. The other four cover topics such as: African American soldiers and a Civil War era protest for equal rights, the manhunt for John Wilkes Booth after Lincoln’s assassination, commemoration of Confederates during Reconstruction, and recognition of women for their military service. Most of the modules focus on the cemetery’s early history (founded in 1862) although two modules reach into the post-war era. Each module is presented as a mystery to solve, a question to answer, or a puzzle to unravel. Students must use historical and critical thinking skills to  uncover each story. Each module ends with two optional digital activities, a historical inquiry assignment and a service-learning project, related to the module theme.

Teachers should first visit the “Teach” section which allows them to preview each module (including its primary sources, questions and activities), learn how to get started, and see how the site’s modules connect with curriculum standards. In order to access the modules for classroom use, teachers do have to create their own account, but the sign up process is fast, easy, and best of all, free! The account allows teachers to set up multiple classes, choose specific module(s) for each class, assign due dates, and view student submissions.

Scholars in Action: Analyzing Blues Songs

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Scholars in Action presents case studies that demonstrate how scholars interpret different kinds of historical evidence. "Two White Horses Standin' in Line" (sung by Smith Cason) and "Worry Blues" (sung by Jesse Lockett), both recorded in 1939 by folklorist Alan Lomax, are known as "blues" songs.

The blues emerged as a musical form among African Americans in the late 19th and early 20th centuries and gained the attention of folklorists and record companies. Historians have studied blues and other African American musical forms to gain insight into the experiences and perspectives of poor and working-class African Americans who left few written records about their lives.

Bookmark This! New and Improved Websites and Lesson Plans

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black suffrage
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The After Slavery Project, a transatlantic research collaboration directed from Queen's University Belfast, launched its Online Classroom, ­a set of 10 online units that explore the aftermath of emancipation in the Carolinas. Organized thematically, the teaching units cover a range of topics, richly illustrated with an array of primary source materials from dozens of archival collections.

The unit Freed Slaves Mobilize, for example, includes a background essay, transcriptions of nine primary source documents and illustrations, questions related to each document, and suggestions for further reading.

After Slavery emphasizes the variety of African American experiences after the Civil War.

After Slavery addresses emancipation both as an attempt by African Americans to overcome the racial legacies that attended and outlived slavery and as a profoundly important chapter in the history of America's working people. One aspect of this story that has become clearer in recent years is the variety of experience among former slaves across the South. These variations make it necessary to move away from broad generalizations about 'the' African American experience after the Civil War and to try to uncover both the shared elements in black life across the region and the varying capacity of freedpeople to mobilize. This emphasis on the "multiple configurations of freedom" across the post-emancipation South provides the rationale for the project's focus on North and South Carolina: together these states reflect the productive, demographic, political, and geographic diversity of the region as a whole.

EDSITEment

EDSITEment posts new materials this month from 19th-century historical writing to material culture to fiction. New resources include a feature on teaching Alexis de Tocqueville's Introduction to Democracy in America, and new lessons on Thomas Hart Benton's painting The Sources of Country Music, and Ernest Hemingway's short story Three Shots.

John Hope Franklin, 1915-2009

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John Hope Franklin
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John Hope Franklin, African American historian, professor, and civil rights activist, passed away on March 25. His life work changed the way we explore, analyze, construct, and teach American history. "He not only studied history; he made it," explains an editorial in The Washington Post.

Franklin lived and acted with a conviction that historians have a voice and an obligation to the present and to the determination of public policy. "Using one's skills to influence public policy seemed to be a satisfactory middle ground between an ivory tower posture of isolation and disengagement and a posture of passionate advocacy that too often deserted the canons of scholarship," he said.

The specter of color is apparent even when it goes unmentioned, and it is all too often the unseen force that influences public policy as well as private relationships. (John Hope Franklin)

As an historian, he is credited as the first to contextualize African Americans in the historiography of American history with the 1947 publication of From Slavery to Freedom: A History of African Americans, a book he continuously revised and whose sales have exceeded 3 million copies throughout the world. As his obituary from Duke University states, "At the time From Slavery to Freedom was published, there were few scholars working in African-American history and the books that had been published were not highly regarded by academics. To write it, he first had to give himself a course in African-American history, then spend months struggling to complete the research in segregated libraries and archives—including Duke's, where he could not use the bathroom."

He published his last book, Mirror to America: The Autobiography of John Hope Franklin, in 2005.

In the almost-60 intervening years, John Hope Franklin wrote history, taught history, and made history. The articles and multimedia links below highlight his life and hint at the depth of his influence.

News from the American Historical Association includes links to Franklin's work and online interviews.

One might argue that the historian is the conscience of the nation. (John Hope Franklin)

Duke University Remembers John Hope Franklin is a website dedicated to accomplishments, quotes, statements, and images. The site (including the detailed obituary cited earlier) offers the opportunity to share condolences and memories. The Gallery includes filmed interviews with Franklin, courtesy of University of North Carolina TV.

Franklin was the James B. Duke Professor Emeritus of History at Duke University where he founded the John Hope Franklin Center for Interdisciplinary and International Studies and whose Rare Book, Manuscript, and Special Collections Library houses the John Hope Franklin Collection of African and African American Documentation.

The John Hope Franklin Humanities Institute, a part of the Center for Interdisciplinary and International Studies, has also posted biographical interviews with Franklin on his work as a historian, including Dr. Franklin on the Role of the Historian in the World.

Franklin is memorialized in a comprehensive biography in The New York Times.

He spoke with journalist Gwen Ifill about his autobiography and the state of race in America in 2005 during a PBS interview.

Under Historians in the News, the History News Network encourages readers to post their memories of John Hope Franklin, links to news articles and videos, and offers articles from the HNN archives by and about Franklin.

Summer Reading: Clearinghouse Staff Recommendations, Part I

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School's out (well, more or less—excluding professional development, workshops and conferences, and planning for next year), and more leisure time for reading may be in. Here is the first in a series of suggestions from staff at the National History Education Clearinghouse for your summertime "must read" booklist!

Race and Religion

In 1931, nine African American boys rode with hobos on a train from Chattanooga to Memphis and along the way, two white women—fearful of arrest for prostitution—claimed the Scottsboro boys raped them. Local juries found them guilty, even after the U.S. Supreme Court twice struck down the verdict and one of the two women changed her story. Kelly Schrum, Clearinghouse Co-Director and Director of Educational Projects for the Center for History and New Media, recommends James Goodman's account of the narrative of the Scottsboro boys, Stories of Scottsboro. "It's an engaging read. Goodwin is a storyteller, and he weaves together multiple perspectives and threads—often conflicting and competing—to demonstrate how we make sense of experiences." Stories from Scottsboro explores layers of meaning through the perspectives of plaintiffs and defendants, lawyers, judges, journalists, NAACP workers, and the Communist-backed International Labor Defense and links those points of view to the larger historical framework of the 1930s.

Theology and place influences how people think about race and identity.

Sharon Leon, Clearinghouse Co-Director and Director of Public Projects for the Center for History and New Media, recommends Parish Boundaries: The Catholic Encounter with Race in the Twentieth-Century Urban North by John T. McGreevy. According to Leon, "This book does a good job of paying attention to the role of place and theology in thinking about identity and race." Parish Boundaries explores the meaning of neighborhood to urban Catholics, a meaning in which geography, church, and school became inseparable. McGreevy explores how this sense of neighborhood influenced local Catholic resistance to integration—even when the Catholic church itself espoused racial equality.

Folk Songs and Material Culture

The Ballad of John Henry is perhaps the most recorded song in America—the story of the iconic railroad man who became a mythical embodiment of the heroism of the American worker. Lee Ann Ghajar, Clearinghouse Project Manager, likes Steel Drivin' Man: John Henry, the Untold Story of an American Legend because it is as much a book about how to do history as it is an historical narrative. The reader travels with historian Scott Reynolds Nelson and his dog in his wife's Ford Escort in pursuit of the real John Henry—a man more likely a mistreated, rather short, convict-laborer than the gigantic hero of folk songs who died with a hammer in his hand after a mighty race against a steam drill. "You follow the historian as he follows John Henry from the early days of his research when an historic map saved Scott Reynolds Nelson from a speeding ticket into archives, libraries, census documents, and company reports. It's a great story," Ghajar explains.

Is there a relationship between early American consumerism and today?

Teresa DeFlitch, Clearinghouse Project Manager, appreciates The Refinement of America: Persons, Houses, Cities by Richard Bushman. Bushman looks at the material culture of everyday life—houses and their rooms, clothing, conversation, books, manners, entertainment and posture, for example—and discusses how changes over time illustrated changing values and the development of the American middle class. DeFlitch says The Refinement of America "vividly demonstrates the importance of material culture and landscape in history and how we use things to create identity." Bushman uses different kinds of evidence, from teacups to churches to etiquette books, to demonstrate how the refining process affected the way Americans interacted with each other. "Students can relate to the agency of consumers, even if they are from long gone centuries, and there is plenty of opportunity to use the book as a framework for teaching behavioral differences between then and now," DeFlitch concludes.

Carpetbaggers

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This iCue Mini-Documentary introduces the term, "carpetbagger," used frequently after the Civil War but often misunderstood.

This feature is no longer available.

Cultural Heritage Museum [NC]

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The Cultural Heritage Museum focuses on exploring the history of the more than 200,000 African American soldiers and their 7,000 white officers who fought with the Union forces in the American Civil War, with emphasis on the U.S. Colored troops from North Carolina; it also pays tribute to African American military veterans from all wars; Carl Long and the Negro Baseball League players; local heroes; and African American history in general.

The site offers information about events and the museum.

Museum does not have a website and does not yet appear to have a physical facility open to the public.

Black Confederates

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To what extent did African Americans, slave or free, fight for the Confederacy?

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While there are isolated instances of African Americans serving in the Confederate ranks, there is overwhelming evidence that this small number represents rare and exceptional cases: historian David Blight estimates that the number of black soldiers in the Confederate ranks was fewer than 200. That small number represents some partial companies of slaves training as soldiers discovered by Union forces after the fall of Richmond. One reason that only a handful of blacks fought for the Confederacy is that until the last weeks of the war, the Confederate Congress expressly forbade arming enslaved African Americans, who made up the vast majority of the black population in the South. Given white southerners' longstanding fears of a slave uprising (fears intensified by a few abortive attempts in the first half of the 19th century and exacerbated to the point of hysteria by John Brown's raid on Harper's Ferry in 1859), the acute resistance of Confederates to arming blacks is understandable. Putting muskets in the hands of enslaved African Americans presented more than simply a concrete threat—embracing the notion that blacks could serve as soldiers in the same fashion as whites threatened deeply-held Southern ideas of race-based honor and masculinity. As Confederate Secretary of State Robert Toombs put it, "The day the army of Virginia allows a negro regiment to enter their lines as soldiers, they will be degraded, ruined, and disgraced."

Opposition to African American soldiers was passionate on both sides. The notion of fighting alongside blacks violated many deeply-held beliefs of white Northerners and Southerners alike.

Northerners were scarcely more enthusiastic about arming African Americans than their Southern counterparts. For the first year and a half of the war, Abraham Lincoln's administration eschewed the enlistment of black troops, fearful of a public backlash. Not until Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation on January 1, 1863, did the Union Army begin to enroll African Americans in its ranks; even then, the decision proved deeply controversial, particularly among Northern Democrats. The Confederacy did not seriously entertain the idea of arming enslaved African Americans until a full year later, when the war situation in the South had grown much more desperate. In January 1864, months after the defeats at Gettysburg and Vicksburg, Patrick Cleburne (one of the most successful combat commanders in the Confederate Army) circulated a proposal to arm the slaves. Northern successes on the battlefield, Cleburne argued, threatened the South with "the loss of all we now hold most sacred—slaves and all other personal property, lands, homesteads, liberty, justice, safety, pride, manhood." Sacrificing the first, Cleburne held, could save the rest; the Confederacy could check Union advances by recruiting an army of slaves and guaranteeing freedom "within a reasonable time to every slave in the South who shall remain true to the Confederacy." A dozen of Cleburne's subordinates backed his proposal.

Lee wrote a letter to a Confederate congressman characterizing the plan as "not only expedient but necessary."

To most Southerners, however, Cleburne's plan was appalling. The prospect of arming the slaves struck one division commander as "revolting to Southern sentiment, Southern pride, and Southern honor." A brigade commander suggested that accepting enslaved African Americans as soldiers would "contravene the principles upon which we fight." Sensing the potential for the debate to cause dangerous dissension within the ranks, Confederate President Jefferson Davis ordered the generals to cease the discussion. Debate over the decision to arm enslaved African Americans resurfaced many months later, as the Confederacy's situation grew progressively more dire both on and off the battlefield. When another similar proposal reemerged it carried the imprimatur of Robert E. Lee, commander of the Army of Northern Virginia and perhaps the most revered figure in the South. In February 1865, Lee wrote a letter to a Confederate congressman characterizing the plan as "not only expedient but necessary." Even with Lee's support, though, the bill proved deeply divisive. It was not until March 13, 1865, just weeks before Lee's surrender, that the Confederate Congress passed legislation allowing for the enlistment of black soldiers. The two companies discovered by Union troops after the fall of Richmond never went into battle. Opposition to African American soldiers was passionate on both sides. The notion of fighting alongside blacks violated many deeply-held beliefs of white Northerners and Southerners alike. In the Union army, African Americans served in segregated regiments under white officers; many were used for menial tasks rather than fighting, and those that went into combat suffered abuse from their white comrades and were often singled out as targets by their Confederate foes. Nevertheless, the vast majority of African American troops fought bravely and with distinction, and by the end of the war, their actions in combat had begun to change the assumptions of at least some of their comrades regarding the fitness of blacks for battle. Despite their demonstrated fighting ability, it was nearly another full century before the United States Army finally desegregated individual units.

Bibliography

Blight, David. A Slave No More. United States: Harcourt Books, 2007. Freedmen & Southern Society Project. "Confederate Law Authorizing the Enlistment of Black Soldiers, as Promulgated in a Military Order." The Making of America."The War of the Rebellion: a Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies." Washington, 1880-1901. Series 4. Vol. 3. Levine, Bruce. Confederate Emancipation: Southern Plans to Free and Arm Slaves during the Civil War. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007.