African American Women

Image
Photo, Elizabeth Johnson Harris, African-American Women
Annotation

Writings of three African American women of the 19th century are offered in this site. Features scanned images and transcriptions of an 85-page memoir by Elizabeth Johnson Harris (1867-1923), a Georgia woman whose parents had been slaves, along with 13 attached pages of newspaper clippings containing short prose writings and poems by Harris; a 565-word letter written in 1857 by a North Carolinia slave named Vilet Lester; and four letters written between 1837 and 1838 by Hannah Valentine and Lethe Jackson, slaves on an Abingdon, VA, plantation.

The documents are accompanied by three background essays ranging in length from 300 to 800 words, six photographs, a bibliography of seven titles on American slave women, and eight links to additional resources. Though modest in size, this site contains documents of value for their insights into the lives of women living under slavery and during its aftermath in the South.

Across the Generations: Exploring U.S. History through Family Papers

Image
Photo, Edward Kellogg Dunham, Sr., with daughter Theodora, Wilhelm (?), 1897
Annotation

This collection from one of the nation's leading repositories for sources on women's history features photographs, letters, account books, diaries, legal documents, artwork, and memorabilia generated by four prominent northeastern families from the late 18th through the early 20th centuries. The four families—the Bodmans, Dunhams, Garrisons, and Hales—are white, middle-class families, and their experiences represent only a portion of American society in the 19th and early 20th centuries.

This site features 63 documents and images gathered from the families' papers ,and there are two ways to navigate them: by family or by one of four themes (Family Life, Social Awareness and Reform, Arts and Leisure, and Work). Each family or theme has its own page, with short (350–500 word) interpretive text combined with excerpts from the documents. Each excerpt is accompanied by links to the entire document—both a scanned image and a transcription.

The theme "family life" contains documents that reflect courtship patterns over the 19th century, childrearing practices, and 19th-century gender roles. "Social awareness and reform" features items related to the abolition of slavery and changing perceptions of race, and women's suffrage. Some of the materials within "arts and leisure" reflect increased opportunities for professional women artists in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The "work" theme includes materials that demonstrate the barriers women faced within the workplace. This site, when supplemented with additional resources, can help show students how to use family papers to study U.S. history.

Spy in a Petticoat jbuescher Fri, 02/05/2010 - 15:04
field_image
cream silk colonial-era petticoat
Question

The person I am researching is my great X 7 Grandmother: Harriet Prudence Patterson Hall. According to various unidentified websites she was a spy for the Americans in or near Charleston, South Carolina, during the Revolutionary War. I have trouble finding any reliable and therefore quotable sources for this information. Would you please help identify anything of value in this area?

Answer

Prudence Patterson was born in 1743 (either in Wales or in County Antrim, Ireland) and emigrated to America with her parents. In 1763, she married another immigrant, John Hall, in York, South Carolina. They had eight or nine children. Their children's names were James, John, Prudence, Jennet, Margaret, William Henry, Alexander Brown, Josiah, and Major Temple.

John Hall appears on the U.S. Revolutionary War Rolls as a private in the 2nd South Carolina Regiment. He died in 1784. Prudence appears as the head of family in York in the 1790 Federal Census, residing there with her children and a slave.

Crossing a Picket Line

Carol Berkin, a historian at Baruch College, mentions Prudence Patterson in her 2005 book, Revolutionary Mothers: Women in the Struggle for America's Independence:

"Far to the south, as the British besieged the South Carolina capital of Charleston in early 1776, Harriet Prudence Patterson Hall and three of her friends made their way past enemy soldiers surrounding the city. When the sentries topped them, Hall explained that they were on their way to purchase medicine from a Charleston apothecary. What the redcoats saw gave them little reason to be suspicious: standing before them were four well-dressed matrons, on an errand that took them into the city. The British soldiers stepped aside, giving the women permission to pass. With that, Harriet Hall walked into Charleston, an important message for the American commander safely hidden inside her petticoat."

For this information, Berkin' cites the Year Book, 2003-2004, of the Harriet Prudence Patterson Hall Chapter of the National Society of the Daughters of the American Revolution of North Little Rock, Arkansas. You might contact the Prudence Hall Chapter through their website and ask them about the source of their information. According to their website, Harriet Hetley West, a descendant of Prudence and John Hall, emigrated to Arkansas in the 1850s, and it was through her and her descendants that the North Little Rock Chapter of the DAR was formed in 1963.

Another source for more information would be the Southern Revolutionary War Institute, at the McCelvey Center in York, South Carolina, at the Museum of York County. A description on their website of their holdings of family histories related to York County, says they have a copy of The Hall Family, by Claudia Hall O'Driscoll, which may never have been published, since it doesn't show up in online library catalogs. I would guess that your ancestor appears in it, perhaps with some documentation.

A Family Letter

It is from this book, presumably, that O'Driscoll family researchers have copied a letter from Prudence Hall's descendant Annie Farris Lumpkin to Daisy West Watkins, dated April 23, 1933, Rock Hill, South Carolina, and posted it on the Ancestry.com website:

Our notable ancestress, Harried [sic] Prudence Patterson, born in the year 1743, was of Welsh and English descent. On the maternal side she was Welsh, on the paternal, English. The Patterson family emigrated to America when Prudence was a child. The family first settled in Maryland, and later moved to Pennsylvania. She was 15 years of age when the family moved from Maryland to Pennsylvania. She rode horseback all the way and drove the cows behind the covered wagons. Later they moved to South Carolina and settled near Charles Town where she grew to young womanhood and met and married John Hall, also of an English family. John Hall was six years his wife's senior, having been born in 1737. Patterson was 20 years of age and John Hall 26 when their marriage took place in 1763.

Sometime prior to the American Revolution they left Charles Town and moved to upper South Carolina and settled in York District. Here they bought land on Little Allison Creek and built their home among a large grove of fine old trees, near a big spring of cool sparkling water, an ideal place for a residence and, strange as it may seem, this very place was destined to play an important part in the history of the American Revolution. Here a big brick store was erected, which not only served the people for miles around as a trading point, but also became the distribution point for salt. Salt was a scarce article in those days. During the Revolution, women rode horseback from as far as Camden to this place to purchase a supply of salt, which was limited to a certain amount for each family. The salt was hauled in wagons from Virginia by slaves. Here Prudence became a heroine of her day. She saved the life of a man whom the Indians had scalped and left to die. She had a number of milk cows ranging at large. One of the cows failed to come home at milking time. She mounted her horse and rode out through the dense woods to find her. She heard a moaning and groaning of someone in great distress. Being a pioneer woman of a fearless and intrepid character, she rode on till she found the man laying in water. She rode quickly back and spread the news. The man was rescued and nursed back to life. His name was John Forbess. He lived to a ripe old age and is buried in Ebenezer Cemetery.

Prudence would often walk the ten miles to attend services at Bethel Presbyterian Church, where she is now buried in Clover, South Carolina.

Prudence and two other women rode horseback to Charlestown [that is, Charleston] during the war under the guise of purchasing medicine. They were held up by the British as spies, but their story of being out to purchase medicine they were allowed to pass the British ranks. They got their medicine and returned, but not until Prudence had delivered an important message to the American Army, which she had carried sewn up in her petticoat. She had outwitted the British, and oh how they hated her. I wish I could remember the little doggerel rhyme the British made about these three woman, but I can only remember the line "Prudence Hall, Peggy Strain and Beckie McCall."

After John Hall died, Prudence moved to Union County to a place called "Sylvan Springs," a sort of summer resort. There she married a man by the name of [Robert] Harris, but soon separated from him. She ran a boarding house.

The unsourced material about Prudence Hall you see on the web is almost certainly derived from this letter.

Possibility of More Evidence from Other Sources?

Corroborating Prudence's wartime adventures may be difficult. A researcher from the Patterson family, however, in a comment on the Genealogy Forum website, raises two issues:

There is no record showing Prudence Hall with a first name Harriet. That appears to come from researchers of the [Hall] family, but no records (John Hall's will & estate papers nor Prudence Hall Harris' own will & estate records) indicate such a first name. … One of my Farris cousins (Annie Farris Lumpkin) was interested in family history and was a Hall descendant through Harriet Hetley West. She told a story about a Prudence Hall saving a wounded militiaman named John Forbes (my ancestor) during the Revolutionary War. But from the description of "Prudie Hall" it was a young woman (John & Prudence's daughter Prudence?), not Prudence Patterson Hall herself.

Berkin's brief account in Revolutionary Mothers places Prudence Hall's ride to Charleston during the first British siege of that city in 1776. That siege was repulsed at the Battle of Sullivan's Island on June 29th. The American forces were under the command of Major General Charles Lee, who was not at Sullivan's Island itself, but across the harbor in Charleston, exchanging dispatches with Colonel William Moultrie, who was commanding the garrison on the harbor side of Sullivan's Island.

Annie Lumpkins' letter, however, does not say when the letter-in-the-petticoat incident occurred. Nor does the letter say that the message that Prudence delivered found its way to an American "General," as do some of the unsourced sites on the web. Perhaps the Hall family history at the Southern Revolutionary War Institute or information held by the Prudence Hall Chapter of the DAR gives more detail.

At any rate, the British conducted another siege of Charleston, from April through May of 1780, which was successful. Among the more than 5,000 colonial soldiers under Major General Benjamin Lincoln who surrendered to the British on May 12th was the 2nd South Carolina Regiment, which was John Hall's unit. For more on this siege (although there is no mention of John and Prudence Hall), see Carl P. Borick's A Gallant Defense: The Siege of Charleston, 1780 (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2003) and Walter J. Fraser's Patriots, Pistols, and Petticoats: "Poor Sinful Charles Town" During the Revolutionary War Era (Columbia, SD: University of South Carolina Press, 2003).

The British commander of both sieges of Charleston was Sir Henry Clinton. His collected papers eventually found their way to the Clements Library at the University of Michigan. From Clinton's papers, the library has created a fascinating web exhibit, Spy Letters of the American Revolution. The exhibit has no documentation on Prudence Hall, but it draws on only a very small number of items in the collection.

For more information

A cemetery listing of graves at Bethel Presbyterian Church in Clover, South Carolina, includes the inscriptions on the gravestones for Prudence Hall, who died at 96 years of age, on August 13, 1839, and for John Hall, who died at 47 years of age, in March, 1784.

Bethel Presbyterian's webpage about its cemetery, including notes on the Revolutionary War soldiers buried there.

General Charles Lee's letters and dispatches during the 1776 siege of Charleston are collected in The Lee Papers, Vol. II, 1776-1778. Collections of the New York Historical Society, 1872.

Map of the disposition of British forces around Charleston during the 1780 siege.

Various other maps of the Charleston area during the Revolutionary War.

Bibliography

Images:
Detail from a map of the June 1776 British siege of Charleston, published by R. Phillips, Bridge Street, Blackfriars, London, 1806.

Petticoat, quilted cream silk, 1750-1775. Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, Williamsburg, Va.

Martha Ballard

field_image
Spurwink Marsh, Maine, Library of Congress
Question

How would I find more information on Martha Ballard’s religion and other personal information to help me write a better primary source analysis?

Answer

To learn about 18th-century Maine midwife Martha Ballard, first, read Laurel Thatcher Ulrich’s A Midwife’s Tale: The Life of Martha Ballard, Based on Her Diary, 1785-1812 (New York: Vintage, 1991). You could also watch the 1998 PBS video A Midwife’s Tale which comes with a teacher’s guide.

Second, look at the resources collected for the “case study” on Martha Ballard on the Do History website. The website has an archive of some primary sources, including extensive selections from her diary, giving some background and context for Ballard’s religion.

Third, a “Martha Ballard Study Pack,” a study guide for students of A Midwife’s Tale, and a lesson plan for teachers is available from BookRags.

A good website for teachers on the history of Maine with plenty of primary resources is the Maine Historical Society’s Maine Memory Network. Included on that site is Religion on Maine’s Frontier, an online essay with selected images.

If you wish to begin digging into the history of the everyday life of the people of Maine, you should also take a look at the available sources on Maine history and genealogy at Cyndi’s List.

For more information

Valentine Seaman, M.D. The Midwives Monitor, and Mothers Mirror: being three concluding lectures of a course of instruction on Midwifery. New York: Isaac Collins, 1800.

Oxford, Maine, historical information

On Gendering the Constitution

field_image
John A Bingham, photo by Mathew Brady, Library of Congress
Question

Do you have any primary source documents from John Bingham that show why he chose to include only males in the 14th Amendment, any copies of speeches he made on the topic, etc.? Also do you have any source documents from Susan B. Anthony that take the opposite view of why women should be included? My daughter is completing a National History Day project and these two are critical to her performance.

Answer

I’m not sure how to answer this. I wouldn’t want to take anything away from your daughter’s project by doing her research for her. But the subject is complicated and I think I can say a few things that might help with her research.

The issues around the passage of the 14th Amendment, as they appeared to women’s rights activists, are well covered, with transcripts of Congressional debates, and details of the petitions and organizing activities of Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and others, in the History of Woman Suffrage, Volume 2, Chapter 17, pages 90-151, which your daughter can read at the link. In addition, if your public library, or a nearby academic library, has online access to the ProQuest historical newspapers collection, she might find it useful to take a look at The New York Times reporting on the announcement of—and speeches given at—the 11th National Woman’s Rights Convention, held in New York City, as detailed in the articles, “Woman’s Rights. The Eleventh National Woman’s Rights Convention” (April 2, 1866) and “The May Anniversaries” (May 11, 1866).

The Purpose of the 14th Amendment

In order to supplement these sources and to more fully understand the Congressional debates over the language of the 14th Amendment, I think it is important to note that the essential purpose of the amendment was not to define the principle on which the right of suffrage was based, but rather to craft a means by which the country could be “reconstructed,” which is to say that the joint House and Senate “Committee of Fifteen” (which included Representative John A. Bingham of Ohio) that put together the language of the amendment and brought it to the Congress as a whole for a vote was recommending a way for the southern states that had seceded to be re-admitted to the Union, a very urgent issue at the time.

When they were re-admitted, these states’ representatives would have to be seated in Congress. But there was a problem with doing that: According to the Constitution, the number of slaves in the southern states had figured into the counting of the states’ population for the purpose of deciding the number of Congressional representatives from those states (the “three-fifths clause”). But with the end of the war and the passage of the 13th Amendment outlawing slavery, there were no longer any slaves to count.

it would have seemed that the South had actually been rewarded as a result of the war.

If, then, the sheer number of persons living in the southern states were now to be used to determine the number of representatives these states could send to Congress, these states would gain a very considerable advantage over what they had before the war because the ex-slaves would then be counted as “full” persons, even though, in these states, they were not allowed to vote. The result would be an actual increase in the legislative power of these states, whose strengthened congressional delegations would still be drawn from the same class of white landowners whose “retrograde” views had played a decisive role in the events leading to the war. This would have been plainly unacceptable, as it would have seemed that the South had actually been rewarded as a result of the war.

To solve this problem, the Committee of Fifteen created a condition for these states re-admittance to the Union, which is described in section 2 of the constitutional amendment it proposed:

Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice-President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, the Executive and Judicial officers of a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State.

In other words, the committee was saying, “Okay, maybe we can’t force you southern states to give Blacks the vote, but if you don’t, we’ll just deduct the Black population from your total population when counting how many congressional representatives you get, so you don’t get any advantage over us; in fact, you’ll be disadvantaged, because now you won’t be able to count your Black population at all whereas before you could count three-fifths of it (more or less) in figuring out how many congressional representatives you could have.” This seemed like a fair, if somewhat convoluted, compromise to the committee. The committee thought it would stand a good chance of being passed.

This seemed like a fair, if somewhat convoluted, compromise to the committee.

In fact, essentially the same sort of scheme had already passed Congress as part of a civil rights law, but Congressman Bingham, who was both a lawyer and a judge, was convinced that that law would be found by the courts to be unconstitutional for a number of reasons (including the fact that it infringed on the rights of states to determine which of its citizens could vote), so he had actually opposed its passage in Congress and argued that it needed to be passed as a constitutional amendment instead. That is why it was deliberated on by the Committee of Fifteen—actually called the Committee on Reconstruction—of which he was an influential member, and was proposed by it. It was part of the committee’s plan for how the southern states could be brought back into the fold: If these states’ legislatures reaffirmed their allegiance to the United States and voted to accept the conditions in the proposed amendment, then they would be re-admitted.

I cannot find a source that gives Bingham himself the responsibility for inserting the word “male” in the language of the amendment. Perhaps you have found such a source. The material in the History of Woman Suffrage appear to me to suggest otherwise, that it was simply the result of the committee’s long hours in trying to craft precise language that would do no more than what the committee intended the amendment to do, without inadvertently opening the door to a storm of objections surrounding the much larger principles of suffrage, whether it was a universal “human right” or not, that would most probably have derailed the amendment’s chance of passage.

For more information

Garrett Epps, Democracy Reborn: The Fourteenth Amendment and the Fight for Equal Rights in Post-Civil War America. New York: Macmillan, 2007.

William E. Nelson, The Fourteenth Amendment: From Political Principle to Judicial Doctrine. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988.

Bibliography

Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, and Matilda Joslyn Gage, eds. History of Woman Suffrage. Volume 2, 1861-1876. Rochester: Susan B. Anthony, 1881.

Women's Reform Movement

Question

Were the voices of all women involved in the Women's Rights Movement represented in the 1848 Seneca Falls Declaration of Sentiments?

Textbook Excerpt

According to many textbooks, economic, cultural, social, and religious changes in the antebellum period led to new roles for women and new views about their "proper sphere." Women responded in a variety of ways, among them by participation in reform movements. One of these, antislavery, encouraged women to examine their own rights (or lack of rights) as well as those of slaves. A major result was a convention in Seneca Falls, NY, in 1848 that produced a bold Declaration of Sentiments attacking the oppression of women.

Source Excerpt

In addition to painting a richer, more complex picture of women's activism (and opposition to it), primary sources convey a sense of the passion Americans brought to debates over women's roles and rights. Although often carried out in the languages of religion, political theory, and human rights, these debates were also intensely personal.

Historian Excerpt

Historians suggest that to focus on Seneca Falls and the Women's Rights Movement that followed, however, obscures differences among women by class, religion, race, and other factors. To emphasize the call for voting rights in the Declaration of Sentiments, moreover, diminishes the large number of other issues reformers confronted and the experiences, needs, and concerns of women other than the mostly middle-class ones prominent in reform movements.

Abstract

Textbooks cite a number of changes affecting women in antebellum America and attempt to link them to the striking participation of women in reform movements. These accounts, however, commonly focus on the emergence of a Women's Rights movement after an 1848 Convention in Seneca Falls, NY, that produced a stirring Declaration of Sentiments. That focus may serve the pedagogical purpose of helping connect past to present, but it comes at the expense of understanding the greater diversity of women's lives, reform activities, and perspectives on the world.

Women's History Month: Historians in the News

Date Published
Article Body

Some historians are women who sometimes make history themselves. Drew Gilpin Faust, historian, author, and president of Harvard University, discusses her career, the history profession, and her new book, This Republic of Suffering: Death and the American Civil War in The Washington Post of February 7, 2008.

Laura Thatcher Ulrich, president-elect of the American Historical Association, reads from her recent book, Well-Behaved Women Seldom Make History on the Making History Podcast Blog, a venue fostering discussion about the writing process. In Part Two of the podcast, Ulrich offers advice to aspiring historians and discusses the challenges of research.

Women Taking History: Women's History Month 2011

Date Published
Image
Photo, Woman with camera, White House, Washington, D.C., Apr. 8, 1922, LoC
Article Body

African American History Month ends, and Women's History Month begins! Take a glance around the internet, and you'll find plenty of resources for teaching women's history—whether it be the Seneca Falls Convention, heroes of the American Revolution and the Civil War, social activists, First Ladies, workers during the World Wars, jazz and blues stars, or presidential candidates. You'll find photographs of many of these women, too—working in factories, on the campaign trail, helping the wounded, conducting scientific experiments.

But who takes these photographs? Who makes these images that become the records of history? Aren't the people behind the camera as significant as the ones in front of it?

Of course they are, though they can easily be forgotten. When we look at photographs of Amelia Earhart, we rarely ask who took the photo. When we're struck by a picture of New York during 9/11, do we ever ask if it was snapped by a man or a woman?

Explore women's history behind the camera this Women's History Month. What have women chosen to capture on film, as they record and live through history?

Taking Photos and Making History
  • The Kansas Historical Society tells the story of Alice Gardiner Sennrich, a professional photographer early in photography's commercial history. Born in 1878, Sennrich purchased a Kansas photography studio in 1902, and ran it throughout her life, including after her marriage. Recognized by the National Association of Photographers, she was also active in the Photographers Association of Kansas (PAK), an organization that had active female members since its founding. You can hear more about Sennrich in this podcast by the Society.
  • During the Great Depression, the Federal Government gave photographers, both men and women, work documenting the lives of ordinary U.S. citizens and the social conditions of the day. The Library of Congress's American Memory collection From the Great Depression to World War II: Photos from the FSA-OWI preserves more than 150,000 of these photographs. Try browsing the collections' black-and-white and color photos by creator. Look for women's names and work—and remember to check names with only a first initial and a surname! These may be women, too. Giving only a first initial was (and remains) one way to avoid being judged (at least in print) by gender.
  • Photographs aren't always taken as documentation. Sometimes, they're carefully composed as art. The online archive Women Artists of the American West showcases the artwork of 19th- and 20th-century Western women. Photography exhibits include photographs by white women of Pueblo arts and crafts workers (many of them women), taken from 1900 to 1935; modern art photography by Native women; landscape photography by Laura Gilpin (1891–1979); and 1972–1997 lesbian photography (some pages contain nudity). The Women in International Photography Archive, collects essays on more than 25 women photographers.
  • For an example of a modern photographer using her work as part of a political journalistic career, check out Jo Freeman.com. A writer, lawyer, and activist, Freeman's site features her photographs of Democratic and Republican conventions, marches and protests, New York after 9/11, the Chicago riot following Martin Luther King, Jr.'s assassination, and Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm's 1972 campaign for the presidency.

If photographs aren't enough, branch out into art, journalism, fiction and nonfiction writing, and other ways of recording and responding to the world, all meant for the public eye. What have women created and documented? What were their (myriad, uncountable) reasons for crafting "snapshots" and composing reactions? Women make history when they're behind its lens, as well as in front!

Further Resources

Looking for more resources? Take a quiz on women in history, with our weekly quiz archive! See how well you do on quizzes with subjects like women in the West. Search our Website Reviews, as well—we've reviewed and annotated more than 200 websites with women's history content.

If you'd still like more, these organizations feature content and pages created just for Women's History Month:

For more information

Speaking of photographs, the Smithsonian is looking for help identifying women in photographs with missing or incomplete background information. Take a look and see if you can help out!

Women's Suffrage: Jane Addams's Article

Bibliography
Image Credits

Video 1:

  • Cover. Ladies Home Journal, January 1910.
  • Addams, Jane. "Why Women Should Vote." Ladies Home Journal, January, 1910.
  • Photo. "Jane Addams, head and shoulders portrait, facing left." Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division, Reproduction No. LC-USZ62-95722.
  • Photo. "Jane Addams." c.1914. Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division, Reproduction No. LC-USZ62-1059.
  • Image. Milwaukee County League of Woman Voters. "Vote." Wisconsin Historical Society, Ephemera Collection, 1850-2000, Image ID #37894.
  • Image. McLoughlin Brothers. Suffragette Paper Dolls. 1915.
  • Illustration. Keppler, Udo. "The Feminine of Jekyll and Hyde." Puck Magazine, June 4, 1913. Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division, Reproduction No. LC-DIG-ppmsca-27952.
  • Illustration. "The Audience Was Caught Off Its Feet," from "Coals of Fire." Scribner's Magazine, January 1915.
  • Photo. "A Group of Suffragettes Who Were Arrested For Picketing." in "The Prison Special: Memories of a Militant." Scribner's Magazine, June 1922.
  • Photo. Yellow Ribbon from 1911 Suffrage Parade. Library of Congress, Rare Book and Special Collections Division, National American Woman Suffrage Association Collection.

Video 2:

Video Overview

What arguments did women in the suffrage movement make to anti-suffrage women? TJ Boisseau suggests analyzing reformer Jane Addams's short essay "Why Women Should Vote," published in 1910. What nuances does Addams put in her arguments? How does what she says differ from other contemporary arguments for suffrage, and how is it the same? Are echoes of anything she writes about still debated today? What complications make the suffrage movement, as represented by this essay, less clear-cut than textbooks may paint it as?

Video Clip Name
Boisseau4a.mov
Boisseau4b.mov
Video Clip Title
"Why Women Should Vote"
Issues Then and Now
Video Clip Duration
2:08
3:15
Transcript Text

A very famous essay by Jane Addams, "Why Women Should Vote," and it's recreated in many places. Jane Addams—you would probably want to introduce Jane Addams to the students first. She's a key progressive reformer and a key voice of women at the moment. She's probably the most well recognized and generally admired woman of her time. She writes an article where she says not only why should women get the vote—why women should have the vote—but she talks about why women should vote, why it is the responsibility of women to vote. She's in large part talking to a readership that is anti-suffrage and is female. So what she is trying to do is to appeal to women who are anti-suffrage. Men who were anti-suffrage were powerful voices, but when women seemed ununited on this issue it made it harder to make the claim that women should have the vote. In fact, a lot of public discussion after about 1905 was based on polls whether women wanted the vote, and if you could show that most women either didn't consider it relevant to them or felt uncomfortable with it or openly opposed it the idea was why should suffrage be granted, women don't even want it for themselves.

So she's speaking directly to women; she's trying to organize women and change women's minds, not just men's minds. I think that's probably something that the students might be surprised about as well. So when she says "Why Women Should Vote," she uses all of the social housekeeping or maternalist kinds of arguments we've talked about and we've seen in the visuals. It's three or four pages long, students can take it home, they can read it for themselves, and they can pull out, I think, easily recognized moments in the essay where she relies on those particular kinds of arguments.

One of the things I would do with that piece, which Victoria B. Brown, another historian, does so well herself, is to recognize that there is a subtle difference in Jane Addams's argument between saying that women are naturally and essentially and biologically more moral or more pure or more concerned about the health of others or more civic minded. She kind of avoids saying whether she thinks that or not, and talks about women's experiences that build those skills and build those characteristics. That's a subtlety that would be interesting to talk to students about, because a lot of students even in 2010 and beyond, I'm sure, struggle with how much they think women's nature or stereotypes about women or any other group are natural and are rooted in biology, and it is something that feminist historians have long addressed.

So Jane Addams's essay allows you to do a lot of good work around not only the particular issue of suffrage, but also the underlying ideological issues about gender that should be raised when we talk about suffrage. Because it's not just there was a movement and here's what happened, but what are the issues at that time that continue to raise themselves in our own time?

And they are reinforcing some conventional ideas that feminist historians since the 1970s have not always felt comfortable with: wanting them to have been more radical, or wanting them to have been less compromised by race or class issues. But as historians what we are really interested in is the complexity, is the messiness of it. I think bringing students to an appreciation of that is not only important, but it's what makes it interesting for them, too. I find students think one of two things—history is so easy, it's not worth studying, it's not hard like math; or history is boring because it's a chronicle of events. And I'm also bored by a chronicle of events. So, allowing them to see that there's an analytical set of issues that have to be explored triggers their curiosity and allows them to really stretch intellectually.

So I think that it's important even at a young age to bring that complexity in; otherwise we are going to bore them and not convey why this is so important. And I have taught high school myself, and I taught it at a very high level and found that students were more interested than they were when I tried to keep it at a low level in order to make sure I wasn't moving too fast or using too many big words.

Women's Suffrage: Burroughs's Article

Bibliography
Image Credits

Video 1:

Video 2:

Video Overview

In the struggle for women's suffrage, how did African American women represent themselves? What goals did they have and how did they work to reach those goals? Reading an article published in the August 1915 issue of the NAACP newsletter The Crisis, TJ Boisseau finds that activist Nannie Helen Burroughs used several arguments in favor of suffrage for African American women. Burroughs emphasized women's roles as social "housekeepers" and their differences from African American men.

Video Clip Name
Boisseau3a.mov
Boisseau3b.mov
Boisseau3c.mov
Video Clip Title
Nannie H. Burroughs
The Role of Black Women
Concluding Her Argument
Video Clip Duration
3:00
1:24
0:58
Transcript Text

I have an interesting document, actually, about why black women need the vote. Black women are also using a kind of argument from expediency after 1900. By "expediency" I mean pragmatism, practical reasons. They’re not only arguing from justice—that this is what is right—although they retain that as well.

And I think that Nannie H. Burroughs's article, that is short and something that students could easily read, makes a profound point. Nannie Burroughs, whose mother was an emancipated slave, was one of the founders of the Women's Convention of the National Baptist Convention, which is a very important locale for the Southern black women's movement. She was a black women's club leader.

The clubs that women organized at the turn of the century are more than recreational and more than philanthropic even; and certainly for black women even when they're philanthropic, it's about uplifting the race. The National Association of Colored Women's motto becomes by the 1920s "Lifting as we Climb." And so there's an idea that anyone who achieves a certain level of middle-class respectability or economic stability in the black community has a responsibility to the entire black community. Women really took that message to heart and really saw their role change by 1900.

I would read this just to make sure that students take note of the particularities here. So this isn't a visual source, but it is a powerful textual source. It reads,

"When the ballot is put into the hands of the American woman the world is going to get a correct estimate of the Negro woman. It will find her a tower of strength of which poets have never sung, orators have never spoken, and scholars have never written. Because the black man does not know the value of the ballot, and has bartered and sold his most valuable possession, it is no evidence that the Negro woman will do the same."

And here what she's referring to is the common practice—or at least not uncommon practice—of black men who otherwise would have been beaten and possibly killed for voting, pragmatically taking money in order to vote for the Democratic party, the party of the South, the party of the Confederacy for a long time. She's critical of black men for that. I think as historians and as contemporary people we need to put that in some context, she's using this as a point of contention in order to draw a very different picture for black women. But I wouldn't want students to take away her criticism of black men, without understanding the context for it.

She goes on to say, "The Negro woman, therefore, needs the ballot to get back, by the wise use of it, what the Negro man has lost by the misuse of it. She needs to ransom her race. She carries the burdens of the Church, and of the school and bears a great deal more than her economic share in the home."

In a very short space of time she has identified key tensions between black men and black women and between blacks and whites. One is that black men are not allowed to have the kinds of industrial jobs that would provide a wage that can support a family. Black women, therefore, typically need to work outside the home for a wage. Which is something that is inimical, is opposite to the idea of the middle-class woman who does not engage in wage earning, or really deals with money in any way.

So she makes that point, but she also says that the black woman carries the burden of the church and the school. So at the same time she talks about black women have sort of double duties that are unique to black women but common to women in general, which is serving the church, serving the community, making sure that schooling and other services for children are there.

What she is doing is similar to white suffragists, is taking a popular convention of the moment and twisting it to serve her purposes. To say that regardless of what you feel about putting the vote in the hands of black people, here's how it will serve your interests. She's speaking a racist language. She concludes by saying, "The ballot, wisely used, will bring to her," the Negro woman, "the respect and protection that she needs. It is her weapon of moral defense." She has made her point loud and clear and gotten the attention of both white and black readers who then might debate, at least, the argument that she has brought to the fore. And, thereby, she has accomplished her aim—by putting suffrage smack in the middle of race relations and not just gender relations.