Little Wolf and President Grant bhiggs Wed, 05/30/2012 - 18:24
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photomechanical print, Little Wolf, c1905, LOC
Question

Why did Little Wolf, a Cheyenne leader, go to Washington in 1873?

Answer

In November 1873, Little Wolf was among a delegation of Northern Cheyenne and Northern Arapaho leaders who traveled to Washington to meet with President Grant. At issue for both sides was the continued tenure of Cheyenne and Arapaho communities on their ancestral territory in the northern Plains.

In May 1868, the Northern Cheyenne and Northern Arapaho signed a treaty with the United States government. (The treaty was ratified in July and proclaimed in August.) In that treaty the Cheyenne and Arapaho agreed to accept "for their permanent home" land amid the Southern Arapaho or the Brule band of the Lakota nation. The Cheyenne and Arapaho nevertheless retained the right to hunt over their ancestral homelands "while game shall be found in sufficient quantities to justify the chase." The United States government, for its part, agreed to supply the communities with teachers, farmers, carpenters, clothing, and small annuities. Any Cheyenne or Arapaho "head of a family"—an adult, married man by Euro-American standards of the day—would receive 320 acres of land as well as seeds and agricultural supplies if he promised to become a farmer. The treaty also included language giving the United States government jurisdiction over all crimes committed by or toward Indian people. (1)

Despite the treaty, most Northern Cheyenne and Arapaho did not want to become farmers and were content to live life as they always had.

Despite the treaty, most Northern Cheyenne and Arapaho did not want to become farmers and were content to live life as they always had. Neither did the Southern Arapaho or Lakota bands abandon their traditional practices and accede to reservation life, much less welcome the Northern Cheyenne and Northern Arapaho into their midst. The 1868 treaty protected the Northern communities in their right to continue hunting—but as white settlers pushed into the Northern Plains, conflict escalated between those emigrants and the Native communities who lived there. Armed conflict ensued, but while the U.S. military poured men and resources into the region, the nations of the Northern Plains were able defenders of their territory.

It was in this context that the leaders of the Northern Cheyenne and Arapaho journeyed to Washington in 1873. At first, the Secretary of the Interior tried to negotiate with the delegation, but the Washington Evening Star reported that the Cheyenne and Arapaho leaders "said they had come a long way to see the Great Father and to talk with him about these things and they did not propose to talk much with the Great Father's subordinate." (2) On meeting Grant himself, members of the delegation conceded that it seemed that white settlers would continue to encroach on their territory, but did not concede that the solution was for them to relocate. On returning to the Northern Plains the Northern Cheyenne and Arapaho continued to actively resist white encroachment on their land.

Despite the premise of a recent novel about this meeting between Grant and the Northern Cheyenne and Arapaho, there is no evidence that Little Wolf asked the president for one thousand white women when they met. This action would also make little sense in the context of life on the Northern Plains, and the Cheyenne's continued claim to their territory and traditional ways of life.

For more information

Eastman, Charles Alexander. Indian Heroes and Great Chieftains. Boston: Little Brown and Company, 1919.

Hoig, Stan. The Peace Chiefs of the Cheyenne. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1980.

Simon, John Y., ed. The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant. Vol. 24: 1873. Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois UP, 2000.

Bibliography

1 "Treaty with the Northern Cheyenne and Northern Arapaho, 1868," in Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties, ed. Charles J. Kappler, vol. 2 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1904).

2 "Indians at the White House," Washington Evening Star. November 14, 1878, front page.

Rebellion: John Horse and the Black Seminoles jmccartney Wed, 09/09/2009 - 17:12
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Engraving, Gopher John, Seminole Interpreter, 1858, N. Orr, Rebellion
Annotation

Using images, maps, timelines, and essays this "web-based documentary" relates the story of John Horse and the Black Seminoles, a community of free blacks and fugitive slaves allied with the Seminoles of Florida in the 19th century. Taking the position that academic historians have overlooked and misinterpreted the history of the Black Seminoles, it presents their role in the outbreak of the Second Seminole War (1835-1842) as the "largest slave rebellion in U.S. history." "Overview" provides an introduction to the features of the site and its interpretive themes as well as a "story synopsis" with a summary of the origins of the Black Seminoles, their role as rebels against slavery, their movement to Indian Territory after 1838, and a biography of John Horse. "Trail narrative" explains the history of the Black Seminoles "from their origins as a community to the death of their great leader John Horse in 1882" through 450 story panels with text and images. There are 360 "images," a picture tour with 32 images summarizing the site author's interpretation, and 23 "key images."

Other features include a key events summary, a guide to six central characters, a timeline, four interactive maps, and a listing of 17 related journal articles and nine newspaper articles available on the web. In addition to those interested in its interpretations of the history of the Black Seminoles and the Seminole War, this site offers useful material for those interested in Native Americans or the history of slavery in America.

Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture jmccartney Thu, 09/10/2009 - 08:11
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Logo, OIEAHC
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Introduces the Omohundro Institute, "the only organization in the United States exclusively dedicated to the advancement of study, research, and publications bearing on the history and culture of early America to approximately 1815." The site provides background information about the institute, including descriptions of its fellowships, publications, conferences, and colloquia.

Also provides tables of contents and texts of selected book reviews from recent editions of The William and Mary Quarterly, articles from Uncommon Sense, and four links to related resources—including one to the Institute's own online discussion forum, H-OIEAHC, which offers 13 syllabi for undergraduate courses on early American history, a bibliography of approximately 50 titles, and links to 102 libraries, museums, historical societies, organizations, online exhibits, and collections of documents pertaining to the period. These latter materials can be valuable to students and teachers of the early American period.

NativeWeb: Resources for Indigneous Cultures Around the World

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Logo, NativeWeb
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A project established in 1994 by a group of historians, independent scholars, and activists "to provide a cyber-place for Earth's indigenous peoples." Offers a gateway to more than 3,400 historical and contemporary resources relating to approximately 250 separate nations primarily in the Americas—but also including groups in Africa, Aotearoa-New Zealand, Asia, Australia, Europe, and Russia—to emphasize "indigenous literature and art, legal and economic issues, land claims, and new ventures in self-determination."

Includes 81 "history" links; bibliographies in 42 categories linking to approximately 1,000 sites with information on books, videos, and music; more than 350 links relevant to legal issues, including government documents; 41 "hosted pages" for a variety of organizations; a news digest; and a section devoted to Native American technology and art.

Resources are arranged according to subject, region, and nation, and the entire site is searchable. "Our purpose is not to 'preserve,' in museum fashion, some vestige of the past, but to foster communication among peoples engaged in the present and looking toward a sustainable future for those yet unborn." The site increases by approximately 10–15 links each week, providing an invaluable resource for those studying the history, culture, practices, and present-day issues confronting indigenous peoples of the world.

Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties

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Image, Indians Traveling, Seth Eastman, 1847, Indian Affairs.
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Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties is the digitized version of Indian Affairs, a highly regarded, seven-volume compendium of treaties, laws, and executive orders relating to U.S.-Indian affairs. Charles J. Kappler originally compiled the volume in 1904 and updated afterward through 1970.

Volume II presents treaties signed between 1778 and 1882. Volumes I and III-VII cover laws, executive and departmental orders, and important court decisions involving Native Americans from 1871 to 1970. Some volumes also provide tribal fund information. This version includes the editor's margin notations and detailed index entries, and allows searches across volumes. It provides a comprehensive resource for legal documents on U.S. relations with Native Americans.

Which Native American Tribes Allied Themselves with the French?

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Montcalm trying to stop the massacre
Question

Which Native American tribe was the main ally of the French during the French and Indian War? I am finding different answers.

Answer

The historians cited below, some of whom are leading figures in the new Indian history movement, have tried with respect to the Seven Years' War (called the French and Indian War in the North American colonies) to uncover Native American perspectives in order to elucidate the actions and significances of the war more fully than previous scholarship had accomplished. They have merged methods and purviews of military, political, social, and cultural history in efforts to adequately account for the war's complicated causes, development, and consequences.

A Scale of Reliability

Francis Jennings has categorized France's wartime Indian allies in terms of their reliability. So-called "domesticated" Indians, who converted to Catholicism, left their tribes, and settled in French missions, were considered the most reliable. Potawatomis, Ojibwas, Ottawas, and other Indian groups who traveled long distances to join the fight were perceived as the next most reliable, as they could be counted on to remain after a battle and hold newly won territory rather than embark right away on the long trip home.

Delawares and Shawnees

During the first four years of the war, however, Indian allies from the Ohio Valley region, most prominently the Delawares and Shawnees, became France's most important allies. They "unenthusiastically came to terms with the French," Richard White relates, when war began between the two European empires and especially after English General Edward Braddock failed to capture Fort Duquesne at present-day Pittsburgh. In that battle, most of France's Indian allies were Ottawas, Mississaugas, Wyandots, and Potawatomis fighting for captives and booty, according to Fred Anderson. After Braddock's defeat, the Ohio Indians, rebuffed by the arrogance of the British and fearing attack by the other tribes allied with the French, joined the latter in large numbers. Until they reached a separate peace with England in 1758, these Ohio Indians conducted devastating raids on frontier settlements in Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania.

The Delawares and Shawnees became France's most important allies.

Shawnees and Delawares, originally "dependents" of the Iroquois, had migrated from Pennsylvania to the upper Ohio Valley during the second quarter of the 18th century as did numerous Indian peoples from other areas. Unlike the others, however, the groups arriving from the east came as "village fragments, families, even individual hunters," White notes, rather than as whole villages or tribes. They formed multiethnic villages, what White calls "the first republics," in lands claimed by both England and France, and were "trying to establish some basis for collective identity and action for the first time as the events of the war began to unfold," Eric Hinderaker relates. The Ohio Indians sought to "use the French to defeat the British," White contends, with the understanding that afterward, in the words of a Delaware, "we can drive away the French when we please."

In October 1758, the Ohio Indians reached a peace agreement with England stipulating that the British would relinquish claims to their lands on the Ohio, an agreement on which the British subsequently reneged. Without the support of the Ohio Indians, the French abandoned Fort Duquesne to the British, "a pivotal moment in American history," James H. Merrell has written. The Catholic Indians of the St. Lawrence missions remained allies of the French as the war continued, until the late summer of 1760, when the mission Indians ended their support of the French, and the latter shortly thereafter surrendered to the British. War between France and England, concluded in North America, continued elsewhere until the Treaty of Paris was signed in 1763.

Bibliography

Francis Jennings, Empire of Fortune: Crowns, Colonies, and Tribes in the Seven Years War in America (New York: W. W. Norton, 1988), 217-8.

Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650-1815 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 188, 241-2, 245.

Eric Hinderaker, "Declaring Independence: The Ohio Indians and the Seven Years' War," in Warren R Hofstra, ed., Cultures in Conflict: The Seven Years' War in America (Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefied, 2007), 106.

Fred Anderson, Crucible of War: The Seven Years' War and the Fate of Empire in British North America, 1754-1766 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2000), 404, 406-7.

James H. Merrell, Into the American Woods: Negotiators on the Pennsylvania Frontier (New York: W. W. Norton, 1999), 209.

Michael N. McConnell, A Country Between: The Upper Ohio Valley and Its Peoples, 1724-1774 (Lincoln, Neb.: University of Nebraska Press, 1992).

Images:
Detail of "Montcalm Trying to Stop the Massacre," engraving by Felix O.C. Darley, from Benson J. Lossing, Our Country: A Household History for All Readers, volume 1 (New York: Johnson Wilson, 1875), 566.

"Evacuation of Fort Duquesne, 1758," from Charles R. Tuttle, An Illustrated History of the Dominion of Canada, volume 1 (Montreal: D. Downie, 1877), 337.

Iroquois and the Founding Fathers

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Hendrick, the great Sachem or chief of the Mohawk Indians, 1754, New York Public
Question

Did any Native American group influence the men who drafted the United States governing documents?

Answer

In 1744, Canasatego, leader of the Onondaga nation and spokesman for the Iroquois Confederation, advised the British colonists:

". . . We heartily recommend Union and a Good Agreement between you our Brethren. Our wise Forefathers established Union and Amity between the Five Nations; this has made us formidable, this has given us great weight and Authority with our Neighboring Nations. We are a Powerfull confederacy, and by your observing the same Methods our wise Forefathers have taken, you will acquire fresh Strength and Power."

Canasatego’s admonition and other evidence has led some scholars to believe that Native American, particularly Iroquois, governments served as models for the new nation’s government. Others refute that theory and argue that the framers of the United States Constitution and other documents did not need the example of Indian governments because they could refer to numerous English and Continental European political theories for their ideas.

The Iroquois Confederation is the oldest association of its kind in North America. Although some scholars believe that the Five Nations (Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, Mohawk, and Seneca) formed their Iroquois League in the 12th century, the most popular theory holds that the confederation was created around 1450, before Columbus’ “discovery” of America. These five nations bore common linguistic and cultural characteristics, and they formed the alliance to protect themselves from invasion and to deliberate on common causes. In the 18th century, the Tuscarora joined the league to increase the membership to six nations.

Those who support the theory that the First Peoples influenced the drafting of the founding documents point to the words of founders such as Benjamin Franklin, who in 1751 wrote to his printer colleague James Parker that “It would be a strange thing if Six Nations of ignorant savages should be capable of forming a scheme for such an union, and be able to execute it in such a manner as that it has subsisted ages and appears indissoluble; and yet that a like union should be impracticable for ten or a dozen English colonies.” Native American Studies Professor Bruce Johansen and American Studies Professor Donald Grinde, among others, argue that American colonists, in Johansen’s words, “drew freely on the image of the American Indian as an exemplar of the spirit of liberty they so cherished.” These scholars argue that the framers of American governments understood and admired Native American government structures, and they borrowed certain indigenous concepts for their own governments.

Other scholars are not convinced. Anthropologist Elisabeth Tooker, for example, argued that European political theory and precedent furnished the models for American Founders, while evidence for Indian influence was very thin. Although the concept of the Iroquoian Confederation may have been similar to the United States’ first efforts to unite alliance, the Iroquois constructed their government under very different principles. The member nations of the Iroquois League all lived under matrilineal societies, in which they inherited status and possessions through the mother’s line. Headmen were not elected, but rather clan mothers chose them. Representation was not based on equality or on population. Instead, the number of Council members per nation was based on the traditional hierarchy of nations within the confederation. Moreover, the League of Six Nations did not have a centralized authority like that of the federal system the Euro-Americans eventually adopted. These arguments are, however, intriguing. Curious to know more? Read the debate between Elisabeth Tooker and Bruce Johansen, and the articles in the William and Mary Quarterly Forum (1996) cited below.

For more information

Grinde, Donald A. and Bruce E. Johansen. Exemplar of Liberty: Native American and the Evolution of Democracy. Los Angeles: American Indian Studies Center, University of California, 1991.

Richter, Daniel K. The Ordeal of the Longhouse: The Peoples of the Iroquois League in the Age of European Colonization. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, for the Institute of Early American History and Culture, 1992.

See an exchange between Johansen and Elisabeth Tooker in Ethnohistory:
Tooker, Elisabeth. “The United States Constitution and the Iroquois League” Ethnohistory, 35 (1988): 305-336.

Johansen, Bruce E., “American Societies and the Evolution of Democracy in America, 1600-1800.” Ethnohistory, 37 (1990): 279-290.

Tooker, Elisabeth, “Rejoinder to Johansen,” Ethnohistory, 37 (1990): 291-297.

See also the exchanges located in:
Forum: “The Iroquois Influence Thesis—Con and Pro,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3d Ser., 53 (1996): 587-636.

Bibliography

Canasatego’s speech to the British colonists at the Treaty of Lancaster negotiations, in Indian Treaties Printed by Benjamin Franklin, 1736-1762. ed. by Julian P. Boyd. Philadelphia: Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1938.

Benjamin Franklin to James Parker, March 20, 1751, Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vol. 3, Jan. 2, 1745-June 30, 1750. ed. by Leonard Labaree et al. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962.

Indian Health Service

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According to the Indian Health Service website, the organization's mission is "to raise the physical, mental, social, and spiritual health of American Indians and Alaska Natives to the highest level." This is accomplished by serving as the primary health caregiver for these populations and through a direct relationship to both the federal government and tribal organizations.

Every year you teach students about Native American history; but, while everyone knows that the British, U.S. citizens, Spanish, and French still abound, do your students know that Native American tribes are still active today? One way to increase student interest in Native American history might be to show how their past treatment is still relevant to the status of today's Native American groups. Yet another possible benefit of addressing their modern lives is the bridging of the conceptual gap between social studies years of civics and American history.

The main offerings of use to educators on the Indian Health Service website are statistics and photographs.

The statistic sets which can be found include an overview of health disparities, as well as additional short sections focusing on diabetes, HIV, behavioral health (drug use and suicide), and death by injury. The Division of Program Statistics also offers publications on national and regional health trends and mortality, population, and special reports on Alaska natives. Special reports include statistics for specific demographic populations, such as children or the elderly.

Most historically-minded of the site's offerings, the photo gallery is extremely easy to navigate. You are first asked to select an image category: "Administrative," "Ceremonial," "Clinical," or "Public Health." From there, you select a more specific image content subcategory and a time period. Time period options include historical images (1887-1969), all time periods, or individual presidential administrations. The end result is that you don't have to spend any great amount of time to find precisely the image that you want. This is the sort of image gallery you'll wish every site had.

Teaching about Presidential Elections Anonymous (not verified) Tue, 08/12/2008 - 17:05
Date Published
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A wealth of historical material exists on the web to support teaching about presidential elections.

The National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) uncovers the mysteries of the Electoral College through text, documents, interactives, and links to K–12 curricular resources.

HarpWeek's Explore History offers political cartoons and prints from presidential elections between 1860 to 1912. Other materials include an up-close look at the controversies surrounding the Hayes vs. Tilden election of 1876 with explanatory essays and primary source materials drawn from Harper's Weekly.

HistoryCentral.com supplies statistics on all U.S. presidential elections. For each election year, the site presents graphs showing popular and electoral votes, maps of states won by each candidate, vote count, and voter turnout statistics.

America Votes at the Duke University Special Collections Library compiles presidential election memorabilia with brief background information on critical issues in selected campaigns. The materials illustrate that political spin and negative campaigning are not new inventions.

Old Political Cartoons jbuescher Sat, 11/06/2010 - 13:52
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Teddy Roosevelt as bullmoose, E. W. Kemble, Harpers Weekly, July 20, 1912
Question

What issues influence a person’s interpretation of a political cartoon from the past?

Answer

To understand a political cartoon from the past, you have to have a good understanding of the historical events and persons depicted in it, as well as an appreciation of the symbolic currency of the time, specifically, the stock characters and objects that contemporary artists and commentators used to carry their points. This might include such things as the songs, music, poetry, literature, sports, clothes fashions, and celebrity figures of the time. Without this last sort of knowledge, you are liable to miss the point of the cartoon—or at least the sharpness of the point.

You could read into it, for example, today’s meaning of the words and symbols that the artist used, when in fact, it may have changed. The artist and his audience inhabited the same culture and may have shared assumptions that we may not. Bringing these into the light not only reveals the actual intent of the cartoonist, but also reveals to us how parts of our own cultural and political landscape have changed.

History teachers nowadays often introduce political cartoons from the past into their lessons, asking their students to analyze them. Partly, this stems from trends in social history that have newly emphasized the value of looking at the more everyday, ephemeral aspects of culture in trying to understand the past. Partly, too, it stems from the notion that today’s students are much more attuned to visual images than to written texts. Lastly, it fits into the educational emphasis on introducing students to multiple primary sources rather than relying exclusively on the synthetic, authoritative, and detached narrative of a textbook.

On this last point, teachers should not lose sight of the fact that, while old political cartoons are primary sources, opening clear windows into another time, they were created to comment on the people and events depicted, most often by use of written and visual satire, parody, and humor.

Why note this seemingly obvious point? Because surrounding a political cartoon with an elaborate array of serious analytical probes in a classroom lesson—as necessary as it might be—also endangers the patient under the scalpel. At some point in the operation being performed upon it in the classroom, it would seem worthwhile to deliberately step back and simply ask whether the cartoon is “alive,” that is, funny and why it would have been seen as funny when it was created.

For more information

Michael O’Malley, “Analyzing Political Cartoons,” History Matters

Online examples of how teachers use political cartoons in the classroom: a Vietnam War-era cartoon, and cartoons about school desegregation and “massive resistance” in Virginia during the 1950s.

"Teaching with Documents: Lesson Plans” at the National Archives and Records Administration includes a cartoon analysis worksheet that can be used to help guide students into understanding historical political cartoons.

The Library of Congress has a collection of online exhibitions and presentations about political cartoons.

Harper’s Weekly, Cartoon of the Day.